पाटनमा नाच्दै छन् अष्टमातृका

पाटनमा नाच्दै छन् अष्टमातृका

आश्विन २९, २०७५प्रशान्त माली

ललितपुर — पाटनमा नाचिने अष्टमातृका नाच समूहका नरेन्द्र वज्राचार्यले दुई दशकदेखि पोंगा बाजा बजाउँदै आएका छन्  । यस वर्ष भने ४७ वर्षीय उनकी आमाको निधनले गर्दा बजाउन मिलेन  ।

संस्कृति अनुसार उनकै छोराहरूले पोंगा बजाउनुपर्ने हो तर वज्राचार्यका दुई छोरामध्ये १७ वर्षीय जेठा निकेश कुमारी देवगण भएर नाच्नुपर्छ भने कान्छा आयुश ७ वर्षका मात्रै छन् ।

वज्राचार्य र शाक्य समुदायले मात्रै बजाउने बाजा नरेन्द्रको सट्टामा बजाउने गुठियार नभएपछि सबैमा चिन्ता पर्‍यो । अन्तत: ३८ वर्षीय सम्यक वज्राचार्य अग्रसर भए । सम्यक नरेन्द्रकै काकाका कान्छा छोरा हुन् । उनले अहिलेसम्म बाजा बजाएका थिएनन् । ‘बजाउने कोही नभएपछि म अघि सरें,’ सम्यकले भने, ‘संस्कृति बचाउन भए पनि यसलाई निरन्तरता दिनुपर्छ ।’

नकबहिलका १३ वर्षीय आर्यन वज्राचार्य पनि कुमारी नाच्न तयार भए । उनी स्कुले विद्यार्थी हुन् । बुबा राजेश ‘सिंघिनी देवगण’ बाट गत वर्ष अवकाश भएपछि कला संस्कृति बचाउन आर्यन पनि कलिलै उमेरमा नाचमा सहभागी हुने भए । आर्यनले भने, ‘पढाइपछिको फुर्सदिलो समयको सदुपयोग गरेका छौं ।’

निकेश, सम्यक र आर्यन प्रतिनिधि पात्र मात्र हुन् । उनीहरूजस्तै पाटन दरबार क्षेत्रमा बडादसैंको अवसरमा नचाइने मल्लकालीन अष्टमातृका नाचलाई निरन्तरता दिन लागिपरेका छन् । नाच घटस्थापनादेखि सुरु भएर आश्विन शुक्ल एकादशीसम्म १२ दिन दरबारको मूलचोक, कात्तिक डबली र नकबहिलस्थित डबलीमा प्रस्तुत गर्ने परम्परा छ ।

नाचमा सिंघिनी, भैरव, गणेश, कुमार, ब्रह्मायणी, माहेश्वरी, कुमारी, विष्णुदेवी, वाराही, इन्द्रायणी, महालक्ष्मी, काली र व्याघिनी देवगण छन् । पोंगा, ता:, खिं को पञ्च तालमा नाच मञ्चन गराइन्छ । नाच प्रदर्शन गर्न नकबहिलस्थित नाथ गुरु मन्दिरबाट मुकुन्डो, कलेवर, गरगहना लगाएर नगर परिक्रममा गरी दरबार क्षेत्रमा पुग्ने गरिन्छ । कुमार, महालक्ष्मी, कालीले खड्ग र सिंघिनीले डमरु र व्याघिनीले घण्टा हातमा लिएका हुन्छन् ।

‘अष्टमातृकालाई नेपाल भाषामा गँ: प्याँख भनिन्छ’, नाचका गुरु बेखाराज वज्राचार्य भन्छन्, ‘नाच प्रस्तुत गर्ने देवगणले प्रत्येक दिन नुहाईधुहाई गरेर चोखो भई विधिवत् पूजा गर्नुपर्दछ । नत्र अशुभ हुने जनविश्वास छ ।’ उनले एकादशीमा गुरुजु, बेताजु, मातजुको विषेश नाच प्रस्तुत गरिने बताए । कुनै बेला नाच प्रस्तुत गर्ने प्रत्येक देवगणको आ–आफ्नै गुठी थियो ।

अहिले संरक्षणको अभावमा नाश भएर काली र वाराहीको मात्र बाँकी छ । नाच प्रबन्ध समिति अध्यक्ष राजेन्द्र शाक्य भन्छन्, ‘संस्कृति मन्त्रालयबाट दिँदै आइरहेको रकम २०७४ बाट बन्द भयो । नाच सञ्चालन गर्न कम्तीमा ६ लाख रुपैयाँ आवश्यक पर्छ । तर, ललितपुर महानगरबाट साढे चार लाख रुपैयाँ मात्र दिने गरिएको छ । अपुग रकम गुठियार आफैंले व्यहोर्दै आइरहेका छन् ।’

दसैंको अवसरमा पाटन दरबार, सुनाकोठी कोत घर र ठेचोमा नचाइने नवदुर्गा नाचका लागि पनि तयारी सुरु भएको छ । शनिबार ठेचोस्थित नवदुर्गा मन्दिरमा पाटनका चित्रकारहरू आएर मुकुटमा कला भरेका छन् । त्यसपछि नवदुर्गा गुठियारले बलिसहित पूजा गरेर मूर्ति प्रतिस्थापन गरेका छन् ।

पाटन दरबार स्क्वायरसँग सम्बन्धित लिच्छवीकालीन, मल्लकालीन र शाहकालीन तीन पर्व छन् । सबै पर्वहरू एक–आपसमा अन्तरसम्बन्धित छन् । नकबहिलको अष्टमातृका देवगणले गोदावरी नगरपालिका १२ ठेचोस्थित नवदुर्गा मन्दिरबाट दरबार क्षेत्रमा नाच प्रस्तुत गर्न आएका देवगणलाई स्वागत गर्ने चलन छ भने नवदुर्गा देवगणले अष्टमातृका देवगणलाई बिदाइ गर्ने चलन छ ।

पाटन दरबार स्क्वयारसँग सम्बन्धित लिच्छवीकालीन पर्वमध्ये मानमानेश्वरी देवीको पूजा पर्व हो । २० वर्षअघि बन्द भएको यो पर्व यस वर्ष सञ्चालन हुँदैछ । यसका लागि राजोपाध्याय, तलेजुका पुजारी, गुठी संस्थान त:बहाल कार्यालय, पुरातत्त्व विभाग, स्मारक संरक्षण तथा दरबार हेरचाह कार्यालय, पाटन संग्रहालय र मंगल टोल सुघार समितिले प्रहरीको रोहवरमा मानमानेश्वरी देवीको मूर्ति प्रतिस्थापन गरिसकेका छन् ।

मूर्ति पाटन संग्रहालयको स्टोर रुममा राखिएको थियो । दरबार क्षेत्रसँग सम्बन्धित लोप भइसकेका नाच पुन: सञ्चालन गर्न तलेजु र मुछेँ आँगन घरका पुजारी, पाटनका नाय: बाजा, इन्द्रबाजा खल:, कुमारी घरका गुठियार लगायत पनि तयारीमा जुटेका छन् ।

सुनधाराका ७५ वर्षीय कान्छा कपाली लोप भइसकेको लिच्छवीकालीन खड्ग जात्रामा मुहाली बजाउने गुठियार हुन् । पाटन च्यासलका ७७ वर्षीय इन्द्रवीर व्यञ्जनकारचाहिँ अग्रपंक्तिमा बसेर इन्द्र बाजा बजाउने गुठियार हुन् । व्यञ्जनकार भन्छन्, ‘जात्रा गर्न आवश्यक १५ जना गुठियारद्वारा क्षमापूजा गरिसकेका छौं ।’

कायगु ननी:का गुठियारले खड्गजात्राका बेलामा बौ: (धान र चामल मिसाएर पकाएको भात) बोक्ने परम्परा छ । महालक्ष्मी मन्दिरमा राँगासहित बलि चढाउँदा बौ: अनिवार्य मानिन्छ । कायगु ननीका गुठियार ६३ वर्षीय कृष्णबहादुर महर्जनले गुठीमा प्रशिक्षण सुरु भइसकेको बताए ।

त्यस्तै यल मु:खल, कोन्ति खल:, महालक्ष्मी ध:पाला, कुमारी घर, कुम्भेश्वर मन्दिरका पुजारी, ग: प्याख: खल: नकबहिल (अष्टमातृका नाच), डंगु खल: हौगलगायत गुठियार पनि तयारी थालिसकेका छन् । ललितपुर महानगरका मेयर चिरिबाबु महर्जनले जात्रा पर्वलाई पर्यटनसँग जोडेर आम्दानी गरिने बताए । ‘सरकारको मात्र मुख ताकेर हुँदैन,’ उनले भने, ‘गुठियारले पनि सक्दो योगदान पुर्‍याउनुपर्छ ।’

यल सांस्कृतिक पर्व संरक्षण समिति संयोजक एंव ललितपुर उद्योग वाणिज्य संघ अध्यक्ष कृष्णलाल महर्जनले सक्दो सहयोग गर्ने प्रतिबद्धता जनाए । ललितपुर गुठी संस्थान प्रमुख शैलेन्द्र पौडेलले गुठियारहरूले समयमा प्रस्ताव गरेमा आगामी वर्ष नाच सञ्चालन गर्न जिन्सी र नगदमा समयानुकूल परिमार्जन गर्न तयार रहेको बताए ।

प्रकाशित : आश्विन २९, २०७५ ०९:४८

Tracing the origins of the Gurungs

Tracing the origins of the Gurungs

New research findings on Gurung genealogy will have definite repercussions on the collective repositioning of various indigenous ethnic communities.

Mahendra P Lama

Published at : November 27, 2019, Updated at : November 27, 2019 07:01

There are layers of identities attributed to the citizen of a nation. It becomes more complex in a country where diverse communities live in compartmentalised geographies with complicated existential methods and competitive means of livelihood. For instance, a Bengali first carries the identity of an Indian national, then a Bengali from West Bengal, and finally a Sen or Mukherji or Das as a caste identity. Indian Gorkhas similarly carry in them a three-layer identity. Then there is the genealogy-based assertion connected to Aryan and Asiatic stocks; politico-sociological identities like high and low caste, and finally administrative-development denominations like Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Class.

At each layer of identity, the struggle for rights, privileges and facilities change both in terms of structural forms and cyclical behaviour. The context is inter-community competition between relatively underdeveloped Indian Gorkhas and remarkably advanced communities like Bengalis, Maratahis, Telegus, Assamese and Punjabis who have already achieved their own geographically and ethnically configured provinces.

Identity assertion

However geographically scattered, politically fragile and economically weaker Indian Gorkhas are, the identity assertion has remained farcically quadrangular. For instance, to fully realise the Indian national identity, there have been two rounds of violent movement by the Indian Gorkhas. At the same time, to overcome community and geography-based discrimination and development deprivation, demands to be categorised under various constitutional categories like Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Class have been pretty intense. Intra-community caste assertion is fully exploited by the political variables and institutions as seen in the formation of several boards in the name of Magars, Chettri-Bahun, Tamangs, Rais, Limbus, Gurungs and Sherpas in West Bengal.

There is a contrasting situation in Nepal and among the Nepalis of Nepal. Unlike the Indian Gorkhas’ case of identity assertion vis-à-vis other linguistic conglomerates like Tamils, Bengalis, Gujaratis and Biharis, in Nepal it has been an identity reassertion within a broad spectrum of the Nepali community and within a region. It is found at every stratum of dialect, language and religion. Within the broad ‘caste groups’ constituting over 58 percent of the total population of 26.5 million (2011 census), ethnic groups (35.8 percent) and others (5.8 percent), there has been steadily powerful contextualisation and repositioning of the Adibasi Janajati (indigenous nationalities) and Madhesis.

These distinct reorientations in both national discourse and political mobilisation, rejuvenated by a decade-long Maoist movement, have triggered newer varieties of actions among these communities. In this new game of ethnic juxtaposition, conscious and concerted efforts are made to relocate various indigenous nationalities in both the anthropological context and sociological parlance. This has made a reinterpretation of history and impregnation with newer findings literally inevitable.

One of the most far-reaching initiatives has come from the Gurungs, who have always been at loggerheads with the ‘forced’ induction of their genealogy from the south and inclusion of their clans in the orthodox caste-based structure of char jata as ‘upper caste’ and Sora jata as ‘lower caste’. This Hindu hierarchical genealogy was imposed by the Shah rulers in the 15th century. Gurungs constitute 2 percent of Nepal’s population. In a doctoral degree thesis entitled Understanding the Ethnic History of Nepal: A Case Study of the Gurungs recently submitted to Sichuan University in China, Tek Bahadur Gurung fascinatingly finds the triangular zone consisting of the Kokonor and upper reaches of the Yellow River, Lokha area and southwest China as the actual place of origin of the Tamu Mai Gurungs in Nepal. These three angles had people with 26.63 percent Mongolian DNA; 14.9 percent Tibetan DNA and 34.3 percent Naxi/Yi DNA respectively.

Tek Gurung totally discards the wilful manipulation of the historico-geographical origin of Gurungs and the mythification of their history by artificially injecting a ‘divisive hierarchical genealogy’. This was made part of Tharagotrapravaravali in 1855 just one year after the implementation of Muluki Ain. His protracted efforts to substantiate archaeological investigation done in Nepal that provided valuable evidence for a northerly origin of Gurungs bore fruit only after he conducted sound scientific supporting evidence like DNA testing. He found the ‘Tibetan-Yi Corridor as a significant framework of migration for Gurungs as one of the Tibeto-Burman peoples’.

Gurung did something that social science scholars would generally hesitate to venture. He carried out a DNA analysis of eight Gurung persons for their ancestry compositions and then overlay these DNA results on the Tibetan-Yi Corridor to scientifically understand migratory origin of Gurungs. He concluded that 'their original village is most likely located around Kokonor which their mythology remember as Koko li mahrshyo'.

Oral traditions

Tracing the route of the migration, he concluded that 'their primaeval ancestors migrated southwards from the upper reaches of the Yellow River around eight thousand years ago. They reached the Yunnan area about six thousand years ago. Apparently, they reached the Tibet or Lhoka (shannan) area before one hundred BC. Finally, they reached the present parts of Nepal more than two thousand years ago and it seems most likely that they were already there at Kohla before the beginning of AD'. Tek Gurung traverses a continuum of discourse and formidable frontiers of interpretations and scholarly research. The oral traditions of Gurungs Pe Da Lhu Da and cosmological and cultural belief systems as collected in the Kerlo are very richly captured.

This new research finding will have definite repercussions on the collective repositioning of various indigenous ethnic communities in Nepal. Its cross-border connections in the entire Himalayan belt including Bhutan, Darjeeling, Sikkim, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and the north-eastern region of India will be of both local and regional significance. This will be a vital breakthrough instrument for the Gurungs in India who have been a highly potential and deserving community to be in the list of Scheduled Tribes. Both the offices of the Anthropological Survey and the Registrar General in India could use this new finding as determining input to show the medieval migratory character of this tribal group. For indigenous scholars in the Himalaya, Tej Gurung’s innovative research methodology and imaginative interpretation should bring a fresh puff of air in interdisciplinary research. 

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Mahendra P Lama

Lama is a Senior Professor in the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

https://tkpo.st/37DKKRw