सामुदायिक प्रहरी सेवा र संचालन प्रकृया

श्रीमान प्रहरी महानिरीक्षकज्यू,
प्रहरी प्रधान कार्यालय,
काठमाण्डौ, नेपाल ।

विषयः सामुदायिक प्रहरी सेवा र संचालन प्रकृया बारे ।

प्रहरी प्रधान कार्यालयको प्र.।१।६०।०५३।०५४ च.नं. ३९६ मिति २०५३।११।२०।२को पत्रको सम्बन्धमा निम्न लिखित कुराहरु खुलाई जाहेर गर्दछु ।

समाजमा आपराधको नियण्त्रण गर्ने कार्य प्रहरीको मात्र नभई प्रत्येक नागरिकको पनि हुन्छ । अपराध रहित समाजको श्रृजना गर्नका लागि प्रहरी प्रशासनलाई बढाी भन्दा बढी र निकटतम जनसमर्थन र जन विश्वासको खाँचो पर्ने हुन्छ । तसर्थ प्रहरी कदापि समुदायबाट टाडा र पृथक भएर शान्ति सुरक्षा कायम गर्न तथा अपराधको नियन्त्रण र अनुसन्धान गर्न सक्दैन भन्नु अतिशयोत्ती नहोला ।

नेपाल प्रहरीको कार्यशैलीलाई विश्लेषण गरेर हेर्ने हो भने यो संगठन सदैव जनताको नजिकमा नै वसेर उनीहरुको समर्थन जुटाउने प्रयास गरिरहेको थियो र त्यो प्रकृया आज पनि यथावत नै छ । जनतावाट जनश्रमदान र आर्थिक तथा भौतिक श्रोतको रुपमा नेपाल प्रहरीलाई यथेष्ट सहयोग प्राप्त भएका छन् । यसरी हेर्नेहो भने नेपाल प्रहरीले आफुलाई जनता देखी कहिलै टाडा राख्न खोजेन । सधैं सहयोग खोजीनै रहेको छ । प्राप्त गरी रहेको पनि छ ।

यस्तो हुँदाहुदै पनि आजको स्थितिलाई मैले निन्म लिखित रुपमा मुल्याँकन गरेको छु ।

क. नेपाल प्रहरीले सधैं जनविश्वास, जन सहयोग र जन समर्थनको लागि आवहान गरेको छ तर आफैले जनतालाई विश्वास दिलाउने, जनतालाई सहयोग गर्ने र जनतालाई आवश्यक परेको बेला समर्थन गर्र्ने गरेको थोरै मात्र पाइएको छ ।

ख. जनतालाई शान्ति सुरक्षा तथा अपराध नियन्त्रण र अनुसन्धानमा सहयोगीको रुपमा मात्र लिइएको छ । उनीहरुलाई यस प्रति उत्तरदायी वनाउन सकिएको छैन । उनीहरुलाई आफ्नो गाउं घरको शान्ति सुरक्षा, अपराध नियन्त्रण र अनुसन्धानमा निर्णायक भूमिका खेल्ने अवसर प्रदान गरिएको छैन । जे जति निर्णय लिइन्छ जनताको स्वीकृति विना नै लिने गरीन्छ । जसबाट जनता उक्त निर्णयहरुको फको भागीदार आफुलाई ठान्दैनन् र प्र्रहरी शैली पारदर्शि छैन भनेर भन्ने गरीन्छ ।

ग. प्रहरी कार्यका लागि स्थानीय समुदायको सदस्यवाट छनौट गरी सोही समुदायमा शान्ति सुरक्षा कायम राख्न वा अपराध नियन्त्रण र अनुसन्धान गर्ने जिम्मा दिइएको छैन । त्यसो हुंदा आफ्नो गाउंघर, आफ्नो समुदाय भन्दा वेग्लै र नजिकको भन्दा धेरै टाढा टाढावाट आएका व्यक्तिहरुले ( प्रहरीहरुले ) उनीहरु माथी शासन वा हैकमी चलाएको अनुभव गरेका छन् ।

घ. समुदाय प्रति आजको प्रहरीलाई उत्तरदायी वनाईएको छैन । परिणाम स्वरुप समुदायको आवश्यकता र चाहना भन्दा वेग्लै प्रकारको प्रहरी व्यवस्था, आचरण र व्यवहार पाउंदा प्रहरीलाई नै आफ्नो प्रमुख वाधक वा प्रतिपक्षको रुपमा हेरेका छन् । यसो हुंदा प्रहरी आफ्नो कर्तव्य निर्वाह गर्न कतिपय अवस्थाहरुमा असमर्थ भएको छ ।

ङ. समुदाय भित्र घट्ने सानातिना भैm–झगडा, लेनदेनको विषयमा पनि स्थानीय जनतालाई स्वविवेक प्रयोग गरी न्याय दिने प्रकृयालाई वलियो पार्न सकिएको छैन । फलतः साना–साना कुराहरुमा पनि न्याय पाउनका लागि अड्डा अदालत धाउने प्रचलन बढेको छ । यसवाट स्थानीय जनता कुण्ठित मात्र नभई शोषित पनि भएका छन् ।

सुुझावहरु ः

उपरोक्त स्थितिलाई विहंगम दृष्टि दिनेहो भने नेपाल प्रहरीले आफनो उत्तरदायित्वलाई निर्वाह गर्नकालागी समुदाय संग सरोकार राख्दा निम्न लिखित कार्य गर्नुपर्ने देखेको छु ।

१. सामुदायिक प्रहरी सेवालाई वेग्लै प्रहरी संरचनाको रुपमा नलिएर प्रहरी सेवाको एउटा शैलीको रुपमा लिनु पर्छ ।

२. समुदाय तथा स्थानीय निकायमा अपराध नियन्त्रण, अनुसन्धान तथा शान्ति सुरक्षा कायम राख्ने विषयमा छलफल र कार्यगत नितीका लागी स्थानीय जनतालाई सहभागी बनाउनु पर्दछ ।

३. गाउँघर, शहर, समुदायहरुमा शान्ति सुरक्षा कायम गर्ने तथा अपराधको नियन्त्रण र अनुसन्धान गर्नका लागि स्थानीय जनतालाई निर्णय प्रकृयामा सहभागी बनाउनुपर्दछ ।

४. प्रहरी भर्ना गर्दा स्थानीय जनता, समुदाय विशेषवाट भर्ना गरी उनीहरुलाई सोही समुदाय वा स्थान विशेषमा काम लगाउनु पर्दछ ।

५. स्थानीय प्रहरीलाई जन उत्तरदायि बनाउन केही हद सम्म स्थानीय निकाय वा समुदाय प्रति उत्तरदायी बनाउनु पर्दछ ।

६. सानातिना झै–झगडा तथा आपसी लेनदेन वा स्थानीय समस्याको समाधान तर्फ स्थानीय जनतालाई सहभागी बनाई निर्णय लिने प्रकृयाको विकास गरिनु पर्दछ । यसका लागि विकेन्द्रिकरण तथा अधिकार प्रत्यायोजनको सिद्धान्त अवलम्वन गरिनुु पर्दछ ।

७. नेपाल अधिराज्यभरी यस अवधारणा अनुरुप प्रहरी शैलीको प्रयोग गरीनु पर्दछ । यसका लागि परीक्षणको रुपमा प्ररम्भमा केही स्थान विशेषमा लागुगरी अध्ययन गरीनु पर्दछ ।

सदा आज्ञाकारी
गोविन्द प्रसाद थापा
प्रहरी वरीष्ठ उपरीक्षक
राष्ट्रिय प्रहरी प्रशिक्षण प्रतिष्ठान

नेपाल प्रहरीकाे इतिहास

नेपालको एकिकरणपछि लामो समयसम्म मुलकको बाहय तथा आन्तरीक सुरक्षामा सेना तैनाथ रहेको देखिन्छ । प्रहरीले गर्ने कार्य पनि धेरैजसो सेनाकै नामबाट हुने गरेको कुरा ऐतिहासिक दस्तावेजहरुमा अवगत हुन्छ । राणा कालिन समयमा मेजिस्ट्रेडको मातहतमा पुलिसथाना, चौकी, इन्पेक्टर अफिस रहने गरेको पाइन्छ । यसै गरी बिभिन्न सनद सवालमार्फत कोतवाली, पुलिस गोश्वारा मिलिसिया, चौकिदारी प्रचलन पनि लामो समय सम्म रहन गएको पाईन्छ । २००७ सालको क्रान्तिपछि भने नेपाल पुलिस फोर्सको इतिहासमा ठूलै उथुलपुथुल भएको थियो, जस अनुसार सर्वप्रथम इन्सपेक्टर जनरल अफ पुलिस (आई.जी.पी.बि. सं २०२९ पछि आई.जी.पी. को नेपाली रुपान्तर प्रहरी महानिरीक्षक) हुने सौभाग्य पाउने ब्यक्ति तोरण शमशेर राणा हुनुहुन्थ्यौ । उहाँको कार्यकाल केवल तीन दिन (२८ चैत्र, २००७ सालदेखि चैत्र ३० गते २००७) सम्म मात्र कायम रहयौ । पछि उहाँ शाही नेपाली सेनाका प्रधानसेनापति हुनुभयो । दोस्रा आई.जी.पी  भए जुद्धशन्शे्रका नाती बहादुरशमशेरका छोरा नरशमशेर राणा, जो राणा शासन कायम रहेको भए प्राइम मिनिष्टरका रोलवाला हुनुहुन्थ्यौ । त्यसैकारणले पनि हुनसक्छ उहाँ प्रजातन्त्रवादिका कटटर बिरोधी देखिनु हुन्थ्यौ ।राणा र नेपाली कांग्रेसको संयूक्त सरकारले नियूक्ति गरेको आई. जी.पी. नरशमशेर राणाका मातहतमा रहने गरी मुक्तियोद्धा जिबी याक्थुम्बालाई आम्र्ड पुलिस फोर्सतर्फको डी.आई.जी. र सिभिल पुलिसतर्फ टेकनारायण श्रेष्ठलाई डी.आई.जी. मा नियूक्ति गरियो ।
शसस्त्र क्रान्तिबाट आएका हामी सबै जीबी याक्थुम्बाको मातहतमा परेका थियौ । पुलिस फोर्सको स्थापना देशमा शान्ति सुरक्षार अमन चयन कयम गर्न गठित भएपनि दुई भिन्नाभिन्नै मत,सद्धान्त र बिचार राख्ने पृष्ठभूमि भएका ब्यक्तिहरुको समुदायभएका ले गर्दा भित्रभित्रै यस संस्था भित्र षड्गन्त्रहरु ह्ुन थाले नरशमशेर आई.जी. पी भएपछि निस्तेज भए राणाहरुको मनोबल बढेर आयो । उनिहरुकै पालामा सेना र सिभिल पुलिसहरुलाई नरशमशेरको सहमति र ईसारामा डी.आई. जी. टेकनारायण श्रेष्ठको नेतृत्वमा पुलिस फोर्स भित्र बगावत (एक किसिमको बिद्रोह ) गर्न लगाए । जिबी याक्थुम्बाको मातहतमा आर्मड पुलिस फोर्स भएपनि सुरबिर राईको नेतृत्वमा रहेको बिजेश्वरी ब्यारेक , पशुपतिको गुजेश्वरी बयारेक र अर्को बटालियनमा हरुमा राम दल र राणाकालिन सिभिल पुलिसबाट आएका निम्ति मध्यम तहका अवसरबादी अफिसरहरु मौकाको ताकमा बसेका थिए । उनीहरु नरशमशेर पट्टि लागेर  जिबी याक्थुम्बाले यस्तो कुरा राजनीति चलखेल र षड्यन्त्रलाई राम्ररी बुझ्नु भएको थियो । मातहतमा रहेका शसस्त्र बटालियनका विश्वपस्त र कर्मठ अफिसर एवं जवानहरुलाई पनि आफुबस्ने गरेको श्रीमहलस्थित शसस्त्र बटालियनमा बोलाएर राख्नु भएको थियो । त्यसपछि रातारात नै उहाँ आफु बिरुद्ध लागेका बगावती अफिसरहरु (जो काठमाण्डौ, पाटन र भक्तपुरमा डेरा गरी बसेका थिए) सबैलाई पक्रा उगर्न सफल हुनु भयो । पदोन्नतिको लोभ र भड्काउमा आएका बाँकी जवानहरलाई भने काबुमा ल्याउन केही कठिनाई भएन । प्रजातन्त्रवादी र राणा बादिको बीच भएको उक्त बिद्रोहको कुरा राजधानीबासीले थाहै पाएनन् ।
बि.सं. २०१० सालमा सरकारद्धारा पुलिस फोर्सभित्र भएको यस बिद्रोहको छानबिन गर्न आयोग गठन गरियो । आयोगको सिफारिसमा सरकारले बिजेश्वरी काण्डमा संलग्न आई.जी.पी.नरशमशेर, डी.आई.जी. टेकनारायण श्रेष्ठ, सुरबिर राई समेत अरु ३० जवानहरुलाई पनि सेवाबाट अवकास दियो । त्यसपछि सरकारले  बि.सं.२०१० सालमा नै स्वतन्त्र सेनानीबाट आउनु भएका जि.बी.याक्थुम्बालाई आई.जी.पी., बि.बि. चेम्जोड. र तारक बहादुर शाहलाई डि.आई.जी. बनाईयो ।
जिबी याक्थुम्बालाई आई.जी.पी.भएपछि पुलिस फोर्सलाई ब्यवस्थित गर्नतफ लागे । यसै बिच बि. सं.२०११ म राजा त्रिभूवन को स्वर्गवासपछि यूवराज महेन्द्र राजा भए ।यति बेला सम्म पनि देशमा राम्रो संग नीति नियम र कानून नबेको हुँदा देशको राजनीतिमा सतरञ्जको गोटि कस्ले कहाँ चाल्ने, हो भनि थाहै हुँदैनथ्यो । त्यसको फलस्वरुप याक्थुम्बाले आफ्नो कार्यकाल पूरा गर्न पाउनु भएन ।
२०१२ सालमा भदौ १० गते नै सरकारले गोपाल शमशेरलाई आई.जी.पी मा नियुक्ति गरी याक्थुम्बालाइ पदबाट हटाई श्रीमहलबाट त्रिपुरेश्वरको सरकारी गेष्ट हाउसमा (हालको भन्सार बिभाग) बन्दिको रुपमा राखियो । क्रान्तिका बेला देश, नरेश र प्रजातन्त्रको लागी राणा शाशकहरुलाई हटाई ठुलो योगदान दिलाएको कुरा मुमा बडामहारानीहरु (कान्तिराज्यलक्ष्मी र ईश्वरी राज्यलक्ष्मी) ले श्री ५ महेन्द्र सरकारलाई सम्झाई बक्सेकाले केहि दिनपछि त्यहिबाट जिबी याक्थुम्बालाइ बर्माको काउन्सीलर जनरल बनाई पठाईयो ।
बुच कमिसन एवं भारतबाट आएका आनन्द नामका पुलिस एडभाईजरको सिफारिस बमोजिम नेपाल पुलिसको ऐन तर्जुमा गरी २०१२ साल असोज मसान्तदेखि मात्र सोसम्बन्धी ऐन लागू गरियो । यसै ऐन बमोजिम बल्ल सिभिल पुलिस र आर्मड पुलिसको ब्यवस्था हुन गयो । देशको चौध अञ्चलमा क्रमशः एक एकवटा आर्मड पुलिस कम्पनीको दरबन्दी खडा भयो । पुलिस ऐन, २०१२ का धेरैजसो प्रावधानहरु ब्रिटिश इन्डियाको सन् १८६१ को पुलिस एक्टमा भए जस्तै ब्यवस्ता रहेको छ । कतिपय दफाहरु यद्यपि कायम देखिन्छन्, ती समयानुकूल संशोधन हुन आवश्यक छ ।
आइजीपी डिबि लामाको अात्मकथा स्तकबाट साभार

Access to justice: There’re barriers galore

Access to justice: There’re barriers galore
Govind Prasad Thapa
Oct 22, 2018, The Himalayan Times
Women and children are often subjected to criminal victimisation inside and outside their homes. These types of violence usually include harassment, torture, abuses, and sometimes murder in most deceitful manners. The problems of exploitation of women and children for commercial sex through illegal smuggling and trafficking in Nepal are bizarre examples of how women are oppressed.
Amongst many victims, very few venture out for justice without adequate counselling and medical, legal and economic support. The way the case of rape and murder of Nirmala Pant of Kanchanpur was handled is one the bizarre examples of how sometimes crime investigation is mishandled in Nepal and why there is a need of course correction. The UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Power has made provisions for access to justice and fair treatment, restitution, compensation and assistance. It has recommended that the victims of crime and power be “treated with compassion and respect for their dignity” and has recommended several victim-based approaches for redresses of loss. Justice for the victims of violence and crimes is a primary right enshrined in our constitution too. The criminal justice enforcement system is meant for ensuring “the ability of people to seek and obtain a remedy through formal or informal institutions of justice, in conformity with human rights standards.” However, our system is often ridiculed for being insensitive to women’s concerns.
The proceedings of justice begin from the initial investigation of police and government attorney. There are fundamental weaknesses on the part of government attorney and police while investigating violence against women and children. First, the victim has to go through a series of interviews by police, attorney, medics, private lawyers and judges while “ascertaining” the facts and collecting physical evidences. Most of these officials are males which make it difficult for woman victim to face them. Second, over the time the investigating officers are often replaced by new persons. This means the victim has to narrate the whole story again. It makes the victim re-victimised. Third, the privacy and safety and psychological, mental, medical, physical and financial needs of victims are often ignored. Fourth, the victims are not updated with the progress of their case by police and attorney office, meaning they feel excluded in the justice process. Police and attorneys are more trained and focused to deal with the legal procedures, physical evidences and suspects, but they are less oriented and attuned to handling of the victims’ concerns.
Quite often the police and government attorney may treat victims with suspicion and interrogate them when confronted with “gaps” in their story. Therefore, whenever victims are required to attend court to testify, there is a tendency to treat them as “an item of evidence” and “non-person.” The other barriers to access to justice appear in many forms. At times family members, societies, lack of victim-friendly environment, inappropriate legal frameworks and discriminatory practices also stand as barriers. The most prominent and detrimental of these barriers are the societal dogma and taboo. The practices of religious, cultural and traditional values endorse “culturalisation of violence” in the society. All these factors discourage victims from lodging complaints with police. There is no doubt that the criminal justice enforcement system should be victim-friendly. It should help victims to seek legal redress for the crimes committed against them in a timely manner and they should be treated in an equal, fair and impartial manner. They should obtain legal assistance, restitution and compensation for their loss without much hassle. They should have access to participate effectively in the court proceedings through access to police, attorney, courts, tribunals and alternative dispute resolution units.
The victims must be safe and secure from any threats. For all these to turn into reality, police and other law enforcing actors should adopt a humanistic approach. In addition to actors from the criminal justice enforcement system, health, community services, security and protection sectors as well as other individuals also have important roles to play in responding to the rights and needs of victims. All those who work with victims should know their own responsibilities and those of others involved in providing support to victims/survivors of sexual and gender-based violence. Effective collaboration between police and various agencies and community groups that work with sexual assault survivors is viewed as an essential component of a concerted approach.
The recent #MeToo and #WhyIDintReport movements in America (now in neighbouring India as well) are encouraging examples of women coming forward against violence and injustice to them. Furthermore, police and other organisations should pay extra attention to the vulnerable groups: children, physically and mentally disabled, single women (unmarried, widow and divorcee), trafficked victims, migrants, refugees, child brides, tribal women and women belonging to minority groups, illiterate, ignorant, and the poor. These are the weakest and vulnerable sections that face victimisation and violence.
Thapa, a retired additional inspector general, is associated with Centre for Security and Justice Studies, Nepal

Federalising the Nepal Police: A way out

Federalising the Nepal Police: A way out
Published: January 11, 2016 8:54 am On: Opinion
Madhukar SJB Rana
Change management must be made an endogenous process where we learn from our own experiments and adopt methods and their timing in tandem with our capacity to execute well as our culture and ethos
I attended a stimulating dialogue on federalising the national police in the context of the new Constitution. What transpired in the first of the dialogues with civil society, as it were, were discussions centred on the national law and regulations; present organisation; jurisdiction and authority; command, control, coordination systems; accountability and responsibility and human resource management and development.
One school represented the federalists who took the subject head on by seeking to implement the reorganisation and reforms by adhering to the various articles in the Constitution, and its schedules, using them as both guides and legal requirements.
The other school of thought questioned the veracity and sustainability of federating Nepal in the first place. It rests its arguments on the ground that this was never a demand of the Maoists who led the so-called ‘people’s revolution’ but a foreign implant.
The Nepal Police is recognised as a national asset that has made solid contribution towards nation building, national integration and national development.The Nepal Police must now explicitly incorporate as its new goals the following : promote democracy; enforce and maintain the rule of law; respect and enhance human rights; practice good local governance and providing community policing. Given these new goals one would hope that a Code of Conduct and Code of Core Values would be enunciated and rigorously practiced throughout the land in all its nook and cranny, to nourish and ameliorate the behaviour of individual police as also the various layers of its organisation. Community policing embraces a new philosophy to redress the alienation of the people from the people.
Even those solidly behind federalisation of Nepal Police were of the feeling that much remains to be done to put the Constitution into action. But hard core federalists would want the Nepal Police to be restructured right away with due emphasis on higher level of professionalism and deeper concern for the public good rather than politician’s welfare as is happening now.
It was unanimously agreed that politicisation must stop and methods found to guarantee this for an efficient and effective policing. Adoption of a Japanese style National Agency may be a way out.
My own observation on the issue of reorganising and restructuring the Nepal Police goes like this. The Nepal Police is part of a national security system. Therefore, it behooves us to determine first and foremost whether in this national security system, post civil war, requires both the Nepal Police and Armed Police Force as separate entities? In short, we need a holistic exercise on national security policy formulation and subsequently designing of a National Security Council and their incorporation in the Constitution. True, it gives space to a National Defense Council which by all accounts is not quite the same thing as a National Security Council. In the latter, we seek to address issues not just of state security but also cover issues related to food security, energy security, water security, health security, ecological security, human security and disaster management.
Peace, order, security and stability are all matters of concern for the Nepal Police as it is equally for other security agencies, including the Central Intelligence Department (which should be, it is suggested here, incorporated in the Constitution as a National Intelligence Agency with its own investigation bureau with jurisdiction over both central and provinces authorities). We should create a Japan style, or as relevant, National Police Agency to protect the Nepal Police from perverse politicisation. We could give full autonomy to the IGP to execute the Police Regulations as he deems fit autonomously: but be transparent and annually account for his performance.The National Police Academy should be made a national centre of excellence and called upon to re-engineer and modernise itself with a new mission to promote professionalism on par with international standards and also be capable of inviting officers from around the world to learn from Nepal policing.
Finally, it is recommended that a two pronged approach to restructuring and reorganisation be executed. At the central level, the Nepal Police adjust itself in line with a SWOT analysis and a thorough diagnosis of internal security threats arising within a federal parliamentary system.
Any rash move to introduce a top down change management process, based on externally provided ideas, will turn Nepal from a weak and failing state to a failed state with unimaginable chaos, disorder, anarchy, insecurity and lack of public safety. Never seen instability will result in direct foreign intervention to safeguard the neighbours’ self interest from destabilising the region. The Lebanonisation of Nepal is a distinct possibility.
This bottom up change management process must adopt the consultancy approach as opposed to the usual applied research approach where national and local actors are given no say, whatsoever in the change management process. Change management must be made an endogenous process where we learn from our own experiments and adopt methods and their timing in tandem with our capacity to execute well as our culture and ethos.
Rana is Professor SAIM and a former finance minister
A version of this article appears in print on January 11, 2016 of The Himalayan Times.

Policing in Nepal: Paradigm shift needed

The Himalayan Times > Opinion > Policing in Nepal: Paradigm shift needed
Policing in Nepal: Paradigm shift needed
Published: September 28, 2018 10:18 am On: Opinion
Govind Prasad Thapa
Nepal Police faces some organisational problems, but more importantly there is a nexus between police, politicians and criminals, which has not only weakened law enforcement bodies but also impacted crime investigation and justice delivery.
Nepal Police has a history of being nourished by “freedom fighters”. Therefore, it is still overwhelmed by regimental character. Some South Asian police also carry the colonial culture of policing—enforcing the will of the government rather than acting as law enforcers. In colonial era, the police used to be a force that could quell any political rebellion.
The primary function of the police was maintaining law and order. Prevention and detection of crime were almost an extra function and intelligence gathering was prioritised as a means of “keeping the rulers informed about the activities of opposing parties or dissidents”. So it had to be extremely hierarchical, strictly disciplined and militaristic. Now these types of mindset have to change.
Nepal Police has some organisational problems which require immediate redress. This article discusses three such problems—administration and management, crime investigation and insulation of police from political influence. The government, through due political processes, makes laws and by-laws for police. There are hardly any grudges against this. However, there is no established mechanism in Police Act 1955—or policy in practice—that indicates the limits of political “supervision” and “control” of the police force or any mechanism as such to issue “directives” to police. There is no any specific role of the Ministry of Home Affairs defined in relation to the police administration. As a result, sometimes appointments, transfers and promotions within the police force have been an issue of public ire.
Political influences on these matters lead to sponsored hegemony and patronage on the one hand, and uncertainty, insecurity and despair among the police, on the other. It is for this reason that a long-term and effective arrangement needs to be made to address such problems.
Investigation of criminal acts and maintaining law and order are two vital and specific police functions. There come some moments, as in recent rape and murder of Nirmala Panta case, when police are criticised for their failure to investigate criminal offences scientifically. The perpetrators can only be served proper punishment through rightful investigation by police, which must be supported by corroborated evidences. Any police investigator who fails to this duty should not be given such responsibilities. Today’s policing depends more upon intelligence rather than other physical logistics. This valuable intelligence is attained through relentless hard work and research endeavours. Many police officers lack these.
Criminal intelligence is the backbone of policing. However, many police departments pay less attention to its progressive development for proficiency. The culture of developing criminal intelligence requires commitment, dedication and relentless investment in terms of painstaking labour, time and resources. It is an age of science therefore the police must keep abreast with the modern technology. Nepal Police has a separate crime investigating department. However, the manpower lacks orientation and skills to carry out the job. Personnel from various other police units, who have different job nature, are transferred to crime investigating agency. In order to encourage specialisation and upgrade overall performance of the police in indisputable manner, the Crime Investigation Bureau must have separate police personnel system. Additionally, police have been criticised for the lack of collaboration, sharing of intelligence and cooperation across the separate policing jurisdictions. At times this failure has directly jeopardised investigations that smother justice.
One of the major problems in Nepal is the criminal-police-politician nexus. Criminal elements thrive on wrongdoings and they need someone to stop the police from getting into action. They also need the co-operation of bureaucracy to regularise their illegal activities. Police and bureaucrats are also in need of political patronage to ensure “comfortable” postings and “smooth’ advancement in career. As a result, a symbiotic relationship is created between criminal elements, police and politicians. When a politician reaches a particular stature and develops a clout, he dictates his terms to police and bureaucracy much to the delight of criminal elements. The bond becomes stronger and they cannot survive without the help of each other and then comes a stage when all of them become members of an “organised criminal gang”. They are so powerful that they can affect bureaucracy, muzzle press and even influence judiciary.
Since police and bureaucracy act as catalysts for the growth of the nexus between politicians and criminal elements, it is necessary to set them apart. To make the police and bureaucracy people-oriented and to make them act without fear or favour, control of politicians over them should be carefully structured. The formation of an apolitical body to administer internal affairs of police could be one way to check irregularities in police. This arrangement will not only protect police from political hegemony but also make them accountable and justice accessible. It will also strengthen rule of law and democracy in the country.
Thapa, a retired additional inspector general, is associated with Centre for Security and Justice Studies
A version of this article appears in print on September 28, 2018 of The Himalayan Times.

प्रहरी समायोजन दुई तहमा

प्रहरी समायोजन दुई तहमा
चैत्र ७, २०७५राजेश मिश्र
काठमाडौँ — सरकारले ७० हजार हाराहारी नेपाल प्रहरीलाई दुई तहको संरचनामा समायोजन गर्ने तयारी गरेको छ । निजामती सेवाका कर्मचारीको तीन तहमा समायोजन प्रक्रिया अन्तिम चरणमा पुगेका बेला सरकारले प्रहरीको समायोजन प्रक्रिया अघि बढाउन लागेको हो ।
रहरी कर्मचारीहरू संघ सरकारमातहत रहने नेपाल प्रहरी तथा प्रदेश सरकारमातहत रहने प्रदेश प्रहरीमा समायोजन हुनेछन् । गृह मन्त्रालयले प्रहरी कर्मचारीलाई नेपाल प्रहरी तथा प्रदेश प्रहरीमा समायोजन गर्ने सम्बन्धमा व्यवस्था गर्न बनेको विधेयक संसद् सचिवालयमा दर्ता गराइसकेको छ । संसदबाट उक्त विधेयक पारित भएपछि समायोजन सुरु हुनेछ ।
समायोजनपूर्व नेपाल प्रहरी र प्रदेश प्रहरीको सांगठनिक संरचना कस्तो हुने, केन्द्र र प्रदेशपिच्छे प्रहरीको दरबन्दी कति आवश्यक पर्ने भन्ने यकिन गरिनेछ । केन्द्र तथा प्रदेश प्रहरीको संगठन संरचना तथा दरबन्दी नेपाल सरकारले निर्धारण गर्नेछ ।
यसअघि प्रशासनिक संरचना तथा कर्मचारीको दरबन्दीसमेत नेपाल सरकारले निर्धारण गरेको थियो । केन्द्रले ठूलो संख्यामा केन्द्रीय निकाय तथा विभागस्तरका कार्यालय आफैंसँग राखेको साथै कर्मचारीको ठूलो हिस्सासमेत केन्द्रमै राखेकोप्रति प्रदेश सरकारहरूले असन्तुष्टि पोख्दै आएका छन् ।
गृहसचिव संयोजक रहने संगठन तथा व्यवस्थापन सर्वेक्षण समितिमा प्रदेश सरकारका तर्फबाट कसैको प्रतिनिधित्व गराइएको छैन । समितिमा नेपाल प्रहरीका एकजना अतिरिक्त प्रहरी महानिरीक्षक, प्रधानमन्त्री कार्यालय, अर्थ मन्त्रालय, कानुन मन्त्रालय तथा गृहकै एक–एक जना सहसचिव सदस्य रहने व्यवस्था विधेयकमा गरिएको छ ।
उक्त समितिले संघ वा प्रदेशको शान्ति सुरक्षा तथा व्यवस्थापनका लागि गर्नुपर्ने कार्य र औचित्यको अध्ययन गर्नेछ । सोही आधारमा नेपाल प्रहरी तथा प्रदेश प्रहरीको संगठन र दरबन्दी निर्धारण गरी सर्वेक्षण प्रतिवेदन तयार गर्ने विधेयकमा उल्लेख छ ।
प्रदेश प्रहरीमा कायम हुने नेपाल प्रहरीको दरबन्दी र पदसमेत सोही समितिले यकिन गर्नेछ । गृह मन्त्रालयले प्रहरी निरीक्षकभन्दा माथिको पद नेपाल प्रहरीको दरबन्दीमा कायम रहने गरी प्रहरीसम्बन्धी अर्को विधेयक यसअघि नै संसद्मा पेस गरिसकेको छ ।
नेपाल प्रहरी र प्रदेश प्रहरीले सम्पादन गर्ने कार्यको सञ्चालन, सुपरिवेक्षण र समन्वय सम्बन्धमा व्यवस्था गर्न बनेको विधेयकको दफा १४ (१) मा राजपत्रांकित द्वितीय श्रेणी वा सोभन्दा माथिल्लो दर्जाको प्रदेश प्रहरी पदमा नेपाल प्रहरीको दरबन्दी कायम गरिने भनिएको छ ।
सोही प्रावधानसहित विधेयक पारित भए प्रहरी निरीक्षक र सोभन्दा मुनिका प्रहरी कर्मचारी मात्रै प्रदेश प्रहरीमा समायोजन हुन योग्य हुनेछन् । प्रहरी निरीक्षकभन्दा माथिल्लो दर्जाका प्रहरी कर्मचारी प्रदेश प्रहरीमा कामकाजमा खटिए पनि तिनको दरबन्दी नेपाल प्रहरीमै रहनेछ ।
नेपाल प्रहरीमा यकिन भएका सांगठनिक संरचनाको दरबन्दीमा समायोजन भएपछि बाँकी रहेका प्रहरी कर्मचारीको दरबन्दी नेपाल प्रहरीको पुल दरबन्दीमा रहनेछन् । उनीहरूलाई आवश्यकताअनुसार प्रदेश प्रहरीमा खटाइने प्रावधान विधेयकमा छ ।
प्रदेश प्रहरीमा समायोजन भएर जाने प्रहरी कर्मचारीको तलबमा दुई ग्रेड थप, कम्तीमा दुई वर्ष सेवाअवधि थप, प्रदेश प्रहरीको रिक्त दरबन्दीमा बढुवाको अवसर, पति–पत्नीलाई एकै प्रदेशमा पर्ने गरी समायोजनजस्ता सुविधाको प्रस्ताव विधेयकमा गरिएको छ ।
समायोजन भएर प्रदेशमा गएका प्रहरी कर्मचारीको नेपाल प्रहरीको पदमा पदोन्नतिको अवसर पनि सुरक्षित गरिएको छ । उनीहरूले नेपाल प्रहरीमा आउने वैदेशिक छात्रवृत्ति, तालिम, सेमिनारजस्ता अवसर पनि आवश्यकताअनुसार पाउनेछन् ।
समायोजनमा गएकाबाहेक प्रदेश प्रहरी संगठनमा जाने अन्य तहका प्रहरी कर्मचारीलाई अवधि तोकेर प्रदेश प्रहरीमा खटाउन सकिने व्यवस्था विधेयकमा छ । समायोजन भएका वा त्यसरी अवधि तोकिएर प्रदेशमा खटाइएका प्रहरी कर्मचारीलाई प्रदेशभित्र सरुवाको अधिकार प्रदेश सरकारलाई दिइएको छ । प्रकाशित : कान्तिपुर, चैत्र ७, २०७५ ०७:३३

Rite of reform

Rite of reformFederalisation means devolving power from the Nepal Police’s central command structure to local state units
- GOVIND PRASAD THAPA
The new constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal aims for a complete transformation of governance, a paradigm shift from a unitary system to the devolution of power. The proposed transference of power also concerns the Nepal Police, which has long been centrally governed with all executive powers vested in the central government. Police organisations hold a few basic principles as sacred—compliance with the constitution, neutrality, accountability, democratic governance, professional efficiency, smooth chain of command, and cost effectiveness. The federal character of the new police system envisions a coordinating, supporting and counseling role, than a controlling one. However, there are number of issues that will require exhaustive discussions and rational decision making.
The Nepal Police has so far been a national agency with a central command structure. The Government of Nepal had the “power to exercise supervision over and control the Police Force, and issue directives to the police.” The authority of command and control were vested with the Inspector General, who was accountable to the Home Ministry. Now, this organisational set-up will change, with the division of the Nepal Police into federal and state police.
Paradigm shift
Article 268 of the new constitution has following provisions regarding the police: “(1) The Federation shall have Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Nepal and National Investigation Department. (2) Each State shall have a State police organization. (3) Matters relating to the operation, supervision and coordination of functions to be discharged by the Nepal Police and the State police shall be as provided for in the Federal law and (4) Other matters relating to the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Nepal and National Investigation Department shall be as provided by the Federal law.”
Thus, Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Nepal and National Investigation Department will exist as national agencies, along with state police in each state. Sub-article (3) and (4) clearly mention that “federal law” will be in force for “operation, supervision, and coordination of functions to be discharged by Nepal Police and State police.” A federal act will, thus, administer both federal and state police while allowing states to come up with their own state police regulations.
Furthermore, Schedules 5, 6, 7 and 8 elaborate on the powers of the federal and state government when it comes to the police and other security agencies. Schedule 5 contains a list of federal powers: “Relating to defence and military (a) Protection of national unity and territorial integrity (b) Relating to national security; War and defence and Arms and ammunitions factories and production thereof, Central Police, Armed Police Force, National Intelligence and Investigation, peace, security.”
Similarly, Schedule 6 contains a list of state powers: “State police administration and peace and order, State highways, State bureau of investigation” while Schedule 7 contains concurrent powers of federation and state: “Preventive detention for reasons connected with the security of the country, prison and detention management, and maintenance of peace and order; Transfer of accused persons, detainees and prisoners from one State to another State”. Schedule-8 lists local level powers: town police and disaster management.
Command and control
Around the world, the police have different means of control mechanisms in place: central, shared and independent control. Federalising the police cannot be done as easily as other government agencies. The nature of crimes and duties across national and international boundaries dictate the structure of the police and as such, is different from civil, health, revenue, education, law, justice and financial services. Policing is guided by social, geographical, economic, and political systems. In our context, the Nepal Police has always been a part of the evolution of modern society. However, the police too has been a victim of political interference in day-to-day police administration. It would be prudent to think of insulating the police from politicization, perhaps with the formation of an independent body of security experts—akin to Japan’s National Public Safety Commission—which could check irregularities in police administration.
Coordination among the new police agencies is going to be paramount. The federal police will be necessary for investigations in cases of an inter-state and international nature. There may be occasions when the federal police will have to intervene in high profile political and international organised crimes. Similarly, cases of national security should also be investigated by the federal police.
Local-level police units play also an important role. Local police stations should be given responsibilities to generate better intelligence and take ownership for public cooperation, consolidating links between the community and the police, which is a lifeline for the enforcement of laws.
The full fledged implementation of federalisation will only be possible when there are adequate policies and infrastructure to run the state police independently by the states. With the current policies, laws and infrastructures available in mind, federalisation of the police at this current moment could be counter-productive. Therefore, it would be prudent to begin the devolution process in phases—beginning with the easiest one first.
Thapa is retired Additional Inspector General of the Nepal Police and is currently associated with the Centre for Security and Justice Studies.
Published: 03-09-2018 07:55
https://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2018-09-03/rite-of-reform.html