The ruling party has failed in ruling

The ruling party has failed in ruling

It seems that constant infighting among ruling party leaders is severely disrupting governance.

Deepak Thapa

Updated at : March 5, 2020 07:32

It is a question that can and should legitimately be asked by all of us: Why does the entire country have to be on tenterhooks because of an internal party squabble that has absolutely no bearing whatsoever on any of the issues the country is grappling with. Yes, I am referring to the seemingly never-ending quest of Bamdev Gautam’s to return to power any which way he can, and the equally never-ending opposition to such a possibility by powerful sections of the ruling party.

If anyone wants to understand the chronology of this particular saga of Bamdev’s, the comment in setopati.com, ‘Bamdev Felled by the Two Chairpersons’ Assurances and Betrayals’, can prove a pretty comprehensive source. Gautam may be the main protagonist in that account but it is one that also lays bare the treacherous world of Nepali politics. There is no one in the story who stands out for anything resembling probity, driven as they all are by pure and simple self-interest. It is well known that Gautam, the recently inducted vice-chair of the ruling party, is haunted by the knowledge that he alone among his peers from the erstwhile Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) has not made it to the prime ministerial chair. Given that the remaining cast of characters in this drama are these same prime ministers, past and present, it provides for somewhat depressing reading as well. And depressing it was to read every morning, until this issue blew over, that the top honchos of the ruling party had been focused on outdoing one another in a game of political one-upmanship that would have no effect on us common folks.

Bamdev Gautam is not someone unknown to us, and nothing in his track record suggests his presumed prime ministership would be any better or worse than what we have experienced so far. During his first term as home minister and deputy prime minister in the mid-1990s, he tried his best to enact an anti-terrorism law aimed at controlling a still-budding Maoist insurgency, but that would also have seen our most prized fundamental rights at the mercy of the state. In fact, this same approach, which can be likened to someone with a hammer seeing nails everywhere, was also evident during one of his later tenures as home minister, when he made sure that all Kathmandu restaurants and nightclubs closed early—ostensibly in a bid to curb night-time crime. (Since this crackdown on nightlife coincided with the height of popularity in Nepal of the Indian yoga guru, Ramdev, a wit had then observed that life in Kathmandu had become onerous with Bamdev sending you to bed early and Ramdev waking you equally early.)

Claims have been made by his supporters about why it is essential for someone like him to be sent to Parliament. I have now come to agree with this line of thinking not because, as outlined above, Gautam is no miracle-maker, but because having him in Parliament would stave off unnecessary disruptions like the one the entire country had to experience together. Just as in hindsight, it was probably our bad luck that the other equally ambitious politician, the current Prime Minister, KP Sharma Oli, was forced to stay on the sidelines during the first Constituent Assembly (CA). The persona of the dog in the manger he adopted, Oli did everything he could to delegitimise the first CA and the progressive agenda of the time through actions such as encouraging the politicisation of the army, raising the ethnonationalist rhetoric to a fervour, and coddling India. He succeeded so well that there has been no public discussion about his India connections of the time and he has instead cultivated credentials that can only be called anti-India.

Despite the massive mandate to lead the country he has not been able to rise to the occasion, revelling instead in the petty politicking that brought him to prominence in the first place. To take one very unfortunate example, it is a wonder that for someone who has all the time in the world to conduct lengthy parleys to secure his own political future, he has just not found the time to fill positions in the different commissions the constitution has mandated to realise a more just and equitable Nepal. The ‘Other Commissions’ mentioned in the constitution are seven in number: National Women’s Commission, National Dalit Commission, National Inclusion Commission, Adivasi Janajati Commission, Madhesi Commission, Tharu Commission and Muslim Commission. Since the Oli government was formed more than two years ago, not a single commissioner has been appointed to either the National Women’s Commission or the National Dalit Commission (see screengrabs alongside for what their websites look like) while the other five were granted a Chairperson each but with no one else appointed to support them with their work (and the chair of the Inclusion Commission has since resigned).

Even if it is known that the latter five commissions were included in the constitution as a sop to these marginalised groups in the rush to pass the constitution through the second Constituent Assembly CA, one would have expected some kind of formality at least in terms of filling all the positions demanded. That these five commissions are an anathema to many in the ruling elite is no secret and the prime minister is no exception. But one does wonder why the women’s and Dalit commissions are having to bear the brunt of this antagonism even though they have been around since 2001. The prime minister could actually have filled all these positions had he sat down with cabinet colleagues instead of engaging in any one of those lengthy and meaningless diatribes he launched into without warning. Actually, that might have been possible even between the two birthday parties he found time to celebrate in Kathmandu and in his birthplace in Terhathum.

What jars is that Oli claims that he has no time to lose. That is partly because he says he is sick. Hopefully, the success of his second kidney transplant will enable the prime minister to see life in a different light and adopt a more generous attitude towards everyone—even Bamdev Gautam. For the country can scarcely afford distractions that have no rhyme or reason.

Deepak Thapa has been a fortnightly columnist with The Kathmandu Post since 2009, writing on a range of topical social and political issues.

https://tkpo.st/2TlwveN

जो कलिलैमा देवतालाई चढाइए

जो कलिलैमा देवतालाई चढाइए

पुस २६, २०७६तृप्ति शाही

(बैतडी) — विष्णादेवी धामीलाई आफ्नो उमेर थाहा छैन । हेर्दा सात दशक काटेकी जस्ती देखिन्छन् । बैतडीको प्रख्यात त्रिपुरासुन्दरी मन्दिरछेउको घरमा एक्लै बस्छिन् । मन्दिरमा हुने पूजाआजा र उत्सवका समय पाइने धेरथोर रकमबाट गुजारा गर्छिन् । बिहान उज्यालो नहुँदै उठ्नु, मन्दिरको सरसफाइ र लिपपोत गर्नु उनको नित्यकर्म हो । 

उनी आठ वर्षको उमेरदेखि यही मन्दिरमा छिन् । ‘युवावस्थाका केही वर्षबाहेक बाल्यकालदेखि निरन्तर मन्दिरको सेवकका रूपमा बस्दै आएकी छु ।’ उनका आमाबुबा सानै छँदा बितेका हुन् । ‘दुई बहिनी र एक भाइ हौं,’ उनले भनिन्, ‘अहिले घरबार, आफन्त जे भने पनि यही मन्दिर हो ।’

विष्णाजस्तै निधारभरि अबिर, त्यसमाथि सेतो चन्दन र चामलको सेतो टीका लगाएका केही वृद्धा अहिले पनि बैतडी र डडेलधुराका भगवती मन्दिरमा लिपपोत वा अन्य काम गरिरहेका हुन्छन् । कुनै समय देउकीका रूपमा चढाइएका उनीहरूमध्ये अधिकांशको जीवन कठिन छ । ०४२ सालअघिसम्म रजस्वला नहुँदै विभिन्न भाकल गरेर बालिकालाई मन्दिरमा चढाउने कुप्रथा थियो ।

‘मन्दिरमा चढाइँदा मलाई केही थाहा थिएन,’ विष्णाले भनिन्, ‘केही वर्ष काकासँगै बम्बई बसें, घर फर्किएपछि मात्र थाहा पाएँ म देवकन्या भइसकेकी रहेछु ।’ आफन्तहरू टाढिन थाले । देउकीका रूपमा समाजले नराम्रो दृष्टिकोणले हेर्न थाल्यो । देउकीले विवाह गर्न नपाउने भए पनि उनले यौवन छोप्न सकिनन् । ‘भन्सारमा जागिरे दार्चुलाका एक जना चन्दले विवाह गरेर लगे,’ विष्णाले विगत सम्झिइन्, ‘श्रीमान्को जागिर गयो, देवकन्या बिहे गरेका कारण जागिर गएको भन्दै उनले पनि छाडे । त्यसयता मन्दिरमै गुजारा गरेर बसिरहेकी छु ।’

शारदा चन्दको पीडा विष्णाको भन्दा पीडादायी छ । उनी १४ वर्षको उमेरमा मन्दिरमा चढाइएकी । मन्दिरको कामसँगै उनी यौनहिंसाको सिकार बन्नुपर्‍यो । ‘मन्दिर आसपासका पुरुष मन लागेका बेला आउँथे, आफ्नो भाग्य सम्झिएर उनीहरूका सामु तयार हुनुपर्थ्यो,’ उनले भनिन् । देउकीको उमेर छउन्जेल मन्दिरमा पुरुषहरू बाक्लै आउजाउ गरिरहन्थे । ‘मन्दिरमा चढाइएका हौ भन्थे, नाइँ भन्न सक्ने अवस्था थिएन,’ उनले थपिन्, ‘ती दिन सम्झँदा मन दुख्छ ।’

दशरथचन्द नगरपालिकाकी भावना थापालाई ६ वर्षकै उमेरमा देवकन्याका रूपमा मन्दिरमा चढाइएको हो । युवावस्थामा उनले पनि अस्थायी विवाह गरिन् । ‘अस्थायी विवाह नै हो, समाजले मान्यता दिँदैनथ्यो, लुकिछिपी विवाह भएको हो,’ उनले भनिन्, ‘मन्दिरमा चढाउँदा भगवान्सँग बिहे गरेर सिन्दुर हालिदिने भएकाले देवकन्याले विवाह गर्न पाउँदैनन् । आफन्तबाट टाढा भए पनि तीन सन्तान हुर्काएर जीवनका ५० वर्ष कसरी काटें आफैं अचम्ममा पर्छु ।’

वृद्धभत्ता पाउने उमेरमा औषधिका लागि भिख माग्नुपरेको विष्णा बताउँछिन् । ‘दुई छाक खान मुस्किल छ, औषधि कहाँबाट ल्याउनु ?’ उनले भनिन्, ‘औषधिका लागि मात्रै दिनको ५० रुपैयाँभन्दा बढी जुटाउनुपर्छ ।’ उनका अनुसार मन्दिरमा पूजाआजा गर्न आउनेले दया गरेर दिए भने गुजारा हुन्छ, नत्र भोकै बस्नुपर्छ । ‘मन्दिरनजिकै स्थानीयको खाली रहेको घरमा बस्दै आएकी छु, आफ्नो भन्नु केही छैन । देवकन्याका रूपमा मन्दिरमा चढाइएका प्रायः सबैको अवस्था उस्तै हो,’ उनले पीडा पोखिन्, ‘अरूका लागि सरकार भयो, हाम्रा लागि कोही भएन ।’

यो कुप्रथाको सिकार भएका कति महिला जीवित छन् ? देवकन्याबाट जन्मिएका सन्तान कति छन् ? यिनको अवस्था के छ ? यस विषयमा यकिन तथ्यांक छैन । ‘हलिया, कमैया, दास, राउटे सबैलाई राज्यले पुनःस्थापना गर्‍यो तर देउकीजस्तो जघन्य प्रथाको सिकार भएकाका लागि भने राज्यले प्रयाससम्म गरेन,’ देउकी प्रथाका विषयमा अध्ययन गरिरहेका राजेन्द्रप्रसाद पन्तले भने, ‘यो प्रथालाई लिएर धेरैले अनुसन्धान गरे, चर्चा कमाए, यो कुप्रथाका कारण पूरै क्षेत्र लज्जित बन्यो तर यसबाट प्रभावितको पुनःस्थापनाका लागि केही पनि हुन सकेन ।’

उनका अनुसार देउकीहरूको संख्या दर्जन हाराहारी छ तर उनीहरूबाट जन्मेका सन्तान धेरै छन् । उनीहरू अहिले पनि समाजमा अपहेलित र आर्थिक रूपमा दयनीय जीवन बिताउन बाध्य छन्,’ पन्तले भने, ‘यस विषयमा राज्य गम्भीर हुन आवश्यक छ ।’ बैतडीमा मात्रै करिब एक हजार देवकन्या भएको अनुमान छ । विभिन्न थर लेखेर सामाजिक रूपमा अपहेलित हुनबाट जोगिएर बसेका देउकीका सन्तानमध्ये अधिकांश थातथलोबाट विस्थापित भइसकेका छन् । देउकीबाट जन्मिएका नरबहादुर सिंहले भने, ‘आफू कसको छोरा हुँ भन्ने जानकारी हुँदाहुँदै पनि बुबा चिन्न सकिएन । त्यो समाजमा बस्न कति पीडा हुन्छ, तपाईं कल्पना गर्न सक्नुहुन्न । यो भोग्नेले मात्र अनुभूति गर्न सक्छ । बुझ्ने भएपछि आफूले गाउँ छोडेको र अहिलेसम्म नफर्केको उनले बताए ।

०४२ सालमा देउकी राख्न नपाउने कानुन बनेपछि यो प्रथा हटेको हो । पूर्वसांसद पुरन दयालले कानुन बनेपछि कन्यालाई मन्दिरमा चढाउन बन्देज लागेको बताए । ‘देवकन्या बनाउने केही व्यक्ति त्यसबेला जेल परेका थिए,’ उनले भने । त्यसबेला बैतडीमा मात्रै हजार जनाभन्दा बढी देउकी रहेको उनले बताए । ०४८ सालमा बालबालिकासम्बन्धी ऐन बनेपछि देवीदेवताका नाममा बालबालिकालाई मन्दिरमा चढाउन नहुने तोकेरै उल्लेख छ । कुनै समय त्रिपुरासुन्दरी, मेलौली, निङलासैनी, डागेश्वरीलगायत प्रख्यात भगवतीका मन्दिरमा देवकन्या चढाउने परम्परा थियो । अझै समाजमा देउकी र तिनका सन्तानलाई तिस्कार गर्ने संस्कार रहेको नागरिक समाज बैतडीका जिल्ला सचिव करन दयालले बताए । ‘धार्मिक परम्पराका रूपमा यो कुप्रथा विकसित भएकाले पीडित पनि समस्या सहेरै बसेका छन्,’ उनले भने ।

पछिल्लो समय पनि देउकीबाट जन्मिएका सन्तानले जन्मदर्ता, नागरिकता नभएको, जग्गाको अभावजस्ता थुप्रै समस्या भोग्दै आएका छन् । ‘देउकी चढाउने स्वरूप परिवर्तन भएको छ, अझै केहीले सुन, चाँदीको महिलाको मूर्ति बनाएर मन्दिरमा चढाउने गरेका छन्,’ उनले भने ।

प्रकाशित : कान्तिपुर, पुस २६, २०७६ ०७:०७