एकीकरण पदयात्रा

कोसेली

एकीकरण पदयात्रा

जेष्ठ १८, २०७६सौरभ ढकाल

 मेरो छोरो र म केही दिनयता एउटा नयाँ खेल खेल्दै छौं  । जुन पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले काठमाडौं उपत्यकामाथि कसरी विजय हासिल गरे भन्ने कथामा आधारित छ  ।

नेपाली इतिहासको चर्चा गर्दा अधिकांशको बुझाइ काठमाडौं उपत्यकाकेन्द्रित हुने गर्छ । यो खेल पनि त्यस्तै छ, यही उपत्यकाकेन्द्रित ।

इतिहासकार दिनेशराज पन्तका अनुसार पृथ्वीनारायणले विसं १८०१ असोज १५ गते नुवाकोट विजय गरेर नेपाल एकीकरणको शिलान्यास गरे । त्यसदिन नुवाकोट जितेका उनले जम्मा साढे सात कोस टाढाको काठमाडौं २५ वर्षको निरन्तर परिश्रमपश्चात् विसं १८२५ असोज १३ मा मात्र जित्न सफल भए । विसं १८१४ जेठ १९ मा कीर्तिपुर आएर हार खाएका उनले तेस्रो लडाइँमा विसं १८२२ चैत ३ गते मात्र उक्त राज्यमाथि विजय हासिल गरे । पृथ्वीनारायणले आफ्नो जीवनयात्राका २५ वर्ष मकवानपुर राज्यअन्तर्गतका मकवानपुर, हरिहरपुर र सिन्धुलीगढी क्षेत्र कब्जा गर्नमा लगाए ।

सिमरौनगढ राज्य (हाल बारा) १० औं शताब्दीतिर कला, संस्कृति तथा अन्य भौतिक सम्पन्नताले वैभवशाली राज्य थियो । सिम्रौनगढका राजा हरिसिंहदेव (कतै हरसिंहदेव पनि भनिएको) को पालामा विसं १३८१ मा दिल्लीका मुसलमान गयासुद्धिन तुगलकले सिम्रौनगढ राज्यमा भीषण आक्रमण गरेर राज्य ध्वस्त बनाइदिए । हरिसिंह देव आफ्नो पराजयपछि मन्त्री चण्डेश्वर र रानी देवल देवी तथा राजकुमारसहित बाराबाट पूर्वतर्फ भागे । त्यहाँबाट वाग्मती नदी नजिक सानो किल्ला बनाई बस्न थाले । त्यसपछि सिम्रौनगढका विद्वान्हरू, साधु, कलाकार र कालीगढहरू पनि हरिसिंह देव भएकै ठाउँमा बस्न थाले । त्यसले गर्दा हरिसिंहदेवले स्थापना गरेको त्यो सानो किल्लाले एउटा राज्यको रूप लिन थाल्यो । यही किल्ला राजा हरिसिंह देवकै नामबाट हरिहरपुर गढी भनेर चिनिन थाल्यो । चौधौं शताब्दीतिर निर्माण गरिएको यो किल्ला अहिले पनि जस्ताको तस्तै स्वरूपमा छ । झन्डै ६ सय वर्षअघि निर्माण भएको यो किल्लाले इतिहास अध्ययन गर्नेहरूलाई मात्र होइन, इतिहास थाहा पाउन चाहने पछिल्लो पुस्तालाई समेत तानिरहेको छ । त्यतिखेर त्यस्तो डाँडोमा यस्तो किल्ला बनाउन कसरी सम्भव भयो भन्ने कुराले सबैलाई चकित बनाउँछ । यो किल्ला स्थापना गरेको १ वर्ष पनि नपुग्दै पश्चिम नेपालतिरबाट मुकुन्द सेनले हरिहरपुर गढीमा धावा बोले । उनको फौजले यो गढी कब्जा गर्‍यो ।

हरिसिंह देव आफ्नो पराजयपछि मन्त्री चण्डेश्वर र रानी देवल देवी तथा राजकुमारसहित त्यस स्थानबाट पूर्वतर्फ भागे । सिन्धुली जिल्लाको तीनपाटन भन्ने स्थानमा हरिसिंह देवको मृत्यु भएको कुरा इतिहासकारहरू बताउँछन् । इतिहासकार लुजियानो पेटेकले हरिसिंह देवको मृत्यु टिपाट भन्ने स्थानमा पुगेर भएको भनेका छन् । यो टिपाट भन्ने स्थान नै हालको तीनपाटन हो । पछि मुकुन्द सेनले आफ्नै नामबाट राजधानी मुकुन्दपुर बनाई शासन सञ्चालन गर्न थाले । मुकुन्दपुरको नामबाट हालको मकवानपुर राज्य रहन गयो । मुकुन्द सेनको पालामा सेन राज्य तराईको बुटवलदेखि टिस्टा नदी र पहाडमा तिमालदेखि इलामसम्म थियो । मुकुन्दसेनले आफ्नो जीवनको अन्तिम समयतिर आफ्ना राज्यको विभिन्न क्षेत्रको प्रशासनिक जिम्मा छोराहरूलाई बाँडेका थिए । सोही प्रसाशकीय क्षेत्र पछि स्वतन्त्र राज्य बने ।

मुकुन्द सेनका कान्छा छोरा लोहाङ सेनले मकवानपुरलाई छुट्टै राज्य स्थापना गरे । उनले पूर्वी तराईको ससाना राजा–रजौटा र जिम्दारीहरूलाई जितेर आधुनिक नेपालको पूर्वी सीमासम्म सेन राज्यको विस्तार गरेका थिए । मुकुन्द सेनका नाति हरिहर सेनको अन्तिम समयमा मकवानपुरको सेन राज्य दुई टुक्रा हुन गयो । पूर्वमा विजयपुर विधाता इन्द्रसेन र मकवानपुर शुभ सेनको राजधानी कायम भयो । शुभ सेनका छोरा माणिक्य सेनले सिन्धुलीमा मजबुत गढी बनाए । यिनैले राजधानी भएको मकवानपुरको डाँडामा पनि गढी बनाए । माणिक्य सेनपछि हेमकर्ण सेन मकवानपुरका राजा भए ।

गोरखाका युवराज पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको विवाह मकवानपुरका राजा हेमकर्ण सेनकी छोरी इन्द्रकुमारीसँग भयो । हेमकर्ण सेनका छोरा दिग्बन्धन सेनसँग पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको सम्बन्ध राम्रो थिएन । हेमकर्ण सेनले कन्यादानको समयमा छोरीलाई गजमोतीको हार लगाइदिएका थिए । दुलाहादुलहीलाई एकदन्ता हात्तीमा चढाएका थिए । पृथ्वीनारायणले हार र हात्ती माग गर्दा दिग्बन्धन सेनसँग झगडा पर्‍यो । त्यसपछि उनी पत्नी इन्द्रकुमारीलाई नलिई फर्के । पृथ्वीनारायणले सैनिक अभियान चलाउँदा ‘नेपाल’ भन्नाले काठमाडौं उपत्यका मात्र बुझिन्थ्यो, जहाँ तीनवटा मल्ल राज्य थिए । पूर्वका मकवानपुर, चौदण्डी, विजयपुर तथा किराँत प्रदेश र पश्चिमका बाइसी र चौबीसी राज्य थिए । इतिहासकार पन्त पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले काठमाडौँ जित्न आर्थिक नाकाबन्दीको नीति लिएर नुवाकोट र मकवानपुर राज्य कब्जा गरेको बताउँछन्।

मकवानपुरमा विजय हासिल गर्न पूर्व सिन्धुली गढीमाथि विजय गर्न आवश्यक थियो । पलाञ्चोकमा रहेका रामकृष्ण कुवर र दलजित शाहको नेतृत्वमा रहेका गोर्खाली फौजले तिमालकोट, मुलकोट, खुर्कोट हुँदै सिन्धुलीगढीमा कब्जा जमाए । सिन्धुलीगढीमा विजय हासिल गरी गोर्खाली सैनिक हरिहरपुर गढी विजय गर्न हिँडे । गोर्खाली सैनिकले हरिहरपुर गढीमा आक्रमण गर्‍यो । गोर्खाली सेनाले पहिलो पटक सिंगो राज्य जितेको मकवानपुर हो । राज्यको अंशका रूपमा भने नुवाकोट जितेका थिए । नुवाकोट त्यसबेला काठमाडौं राज्यअन्तर्गत थियो ।

मकवानपुरका राजाहरूको भारतका मुगल शासकहरूसँग सम्पर्क थियो । गोर्खालीले मकवानपुरमा कब्जा गरेपछि बंगालका राज्यच्युत नवाब मीर कासिमले त्यस क्षेत्रमा आँखा लगाए । उनलाई पहाडी भूभाग नियन्त्रण गरी अंग्रेजसँग लड्न सकिन्छ भन्ने लागेको थियो । उनले अर्मेनियाबाट आएका लडाकु ग्रे गुरीलाई गुरगिन खाँ बनाई विसं १८१९ पुसमा गोर्खाली फौजसँग लड्न पठाए । जबकि त्यसै वर्ष भदौमा मात्र पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले मकवानपुर जितेका थिए । मीर कासिमको फौजलाई गोर्खाली फौजले १८१९ को माघ १० मा जित्यो । त्यसबेला मुसलमान सेनालाई पृथ्वीनारायणले हराउन नसकेको भए एकीकरण अभियान त सफल हुन्थेन नै, नेपाल अहिलेको रूपमा नरहन सक्थ्यो । गोर्खाली सेनाको विजयको खबर सुनेर पृथ्वीनारायण स्वयं मकवानपुर गए । त्यहाँ प्राप्त सामरिक महत्त्वका हातहतियार देखेर उनी खुसी भए । यसपछि पृथ्वीनारायण शाह गोर्खालीले विजय हासिल गरेको हरिहरपुर गढी पुगे ।

सामरिक दृष्टिले महत्त्वपूर्ण रहेको व्यापारिक मार्ग कब्जा गर्न पृथ्वीनारायण सफल भएका थिए । मकवानपुर राज्यको गोर्खा राज्यमा विलय भएपछि कमला नदीसम्मको उब्जाउ फाँट, पर्सा, बारा, रौतहट, सर्लाही र महोत्तरीसमेत गोर्खा राज्यको अभिन्न अंग हुन पुग्यो । मकवानपुरमाथिको यो विजय नै पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको एकीकरण अभियान सफल पार्ने एक सहयोगी माध्यम बन्न पुग्यो ।

विसं १८२१ को भदौ महिनामा शूरप्रताप शाह, दलजित शाह र श्री हर्ष पन्तको नेतृत्वमा कीर्तिपुरमाथि दोस्रो असफल आक्रमण भयो । १८२२ चैतमा मात्र कीर्तिपुर आक्रमण सफल भयो । मकवानपुर विजयपछि पृथ्वीनारायणले क्रमशः उपत्यका आसपास र उपत्यकाका क्षेत्र जित्दै गए । विसं १८२४ सम्म पुग्दा त उनी उपत्यकाको पाटनसम्म जित्ने अवस्थामा पुगिसकेका थिए । काठमाडौंका राजा जयप्रकाश मल्लको सहयोगार्थ किनलकको नेतृत्वमा इस्ट इन्डिया कम्पनीको फौजसँग गोर्खाली फौजको युद्ध भयो ।

त्यसबेला मकवानपुर राज्य क्षेत्रमा अहिलेका बारा, पर्सा, जनकपुरलगायत पर्थे । पृथ्वीनारायणले किनलकको सेनालाई ती क्षेत्रबाट सुरुसुरु आउन दिए । उनलाई मैदानमा अंग्रेजसँग लड्ने आफ्नो सामर्थ्य छैन भन्ने थाहा थियो । गोर्खाली फौज सिन्धुलीमै अंग्रेज सेनालाई ढुकेर बस्यो । अन्ततः १८२४ असोज १५ गते कम्पनी फौजले गोर्खालीसँग हार मान्यो । त्यसपछि सिन्धुलीबाट फर्कियो । इतिहासकार प्रा. पन्तको ‘महामण्डलदेखि काँगडासम्म’ मा पनि असोज १५ मै सिन्धुलीगढीमा गौर्खाली फौजले विजय हासिल गरेको उल्लेख छ । पृथ्वीनारायणले कम्पनी फौजसँग सिन्धुलीमा हारेका भए नेपालको एकीकरण हुने थिएन । पृथ्वीनारायण त खत्तम हुन्थे नै, अहिलेजस्तो नेपाल भन्ने देशै नरहनसथ्यो । नेपाल खाल्डोमा किनलकको सेना पसेको भए फर्केर जाने थिएन ।

यस्तो इतिहासले कसरी हाम्रो भविष्यलाई अघि बढाउन मद्दत गर्ला त ? पर्यटकीय तथा शैक्षिक गन्तव्यको रूपमा यी गढीहरूको विकास गर्न सकिएला ? हामी मकवानपुर हरिहरपुरगढी हुँदै सिन्धुलीगढी पदयात्रामा निस्किएका थियौं । तीनै गढीलाई जोडेर एकीकरणको कथा बुझ्न र बुझाउन सकिन्छ । बन्दै गरेको मदन भण्डारी राजमार्ग र काठमाडौंबाट बनेपा हुँदै बर्दिबास जाने बीपी राजमार्गले तीनै गढीलाई नजिकबाट जोडेका छन् । मकवानपुर हरिहरपुरबाट सिन्धुलीगढी हुँदै काठमाडौं आउने पुरानो मार्गलाई एकीकरण पदमार्गको रूपमा विकास गर्न सकिने छलफल सुरु भएको छ । गढीहरूलाई जोडेर पदमार्गको विकास गर्दा त्यस भेगमा पर्ने स्थानीय जनताको जीवनस्तर उकास्न सहयोग पुग्नेछ ।

हरिहरपुरगढी मदन भण्डारी मार्गको घण्टेबाट दुई घण्टाको पैदल दूरीमा पर्छ । त्यहाँबाट हिँड्दै ७ दिनमा सिन्धुलीगढी पुग्न सकिन्छ । बीचमा स्थानीय जातजाति, तिनका संस्कृतिको अध्ययन अवलोकन गर्दै, प्रांगारिक स्थानीय उत्पादन चाख्दै, ऐतिहासिक, पुरातात्त्विक स्थलहरू हेर्दै हिँड्न सकिन्छ । यस क्षेत्रमा पर्ने कोखाजोर खोलाको असला माछा निकै चर्चित छ । पर्यटकलाई होमस्टेमा बस्ने व्यवस्था गरिँदै छ । उक्त पदमार्गले सिन्धुली मकवानपुरका साथै काभ्रेलालाई पर्यटकीय क्षेत्रको रूपमा विकास गर्न महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान पुर्‍याउनेछ ।
हामी पदमार्ग निर्माण र त्यसलाई सुविधायुक्त बनाउन लागिपरेका छौं । तपाईं झोलीतुम्बा कस्दै गर्नुस् एकीकरण कथा खोज्न।

प्रकाशित : जेष्ठ १८, २०७६ ११:२५

Federalism History and Challenges in Nepal

Federalism History and Challenges in Nepal
http://www.madhesiyouth.com/analysis/federalism-history-challenges-nepal/
By Kundan Kumar Jha
Federalism is a form of government which is composed of two or more levels of governments. The key feature of federalism is decentralisation of political power so as to establish a political order between multiple states and one centre. Federalism enables the regime to address historic and contemporary inequalities, discrimination and marginalization in a diverse, multicultural and multiethnic nation like Nepal. The rise of federal states transfers the political power to the local level and allows greater flexibility for governance and thereby accelerating the development at local level. In essence, federalism provides the avenue for diversity to reconcile with each other through self-governance and discourages the  threat of conflict and war within the nation.
Federalism acts as an instrument for realizing the aspiration of ethnic and regional population groups. It provides them rights to deal with diversity within the national territory. Federalism is the dominant political trend which allows explicit constitutional guarantees for sub-state authorities. Over 56% of the world’s democratic citizens (those living in states with multi-party competition) live in federal polities at the outset of the twenty-first century. The wave of decentralization has been often referred to be the symbol for good governance. This form of government ensures effective development as per the needs and requirement of states entity.
Three-level government – federal, state/provincial, and local government is common to all federal systems; however, the place and role of local government in those systems vary markedly. The form of practice differs where some local government is a constitutionally recognized sphere of government whereas in others it is merely a competence of the state-provincial government. The form may differ largely within different sphere of such federal government but the basis of such government is generally associated with the common agenda of securing rights of diverse groups within the nation. However, the concept of decentralization and federalism have raised numerous questions in developing countries.
Optimistic theories, starting with Montesquieu and continuing through modern welfare economics, stress advantages of information revelation and accountability in more decentralized governance structures.  It can lead to more efficient and less corrupt government which can further ensure rapid growth at the same time. However, critical aspect of such governance can also leads to exploitation of resources and lead to limited growth and higher corruption in terms of developing nations. At the frontier of research today, the scholarship is attempting to come to terms with a broader variety of intermediate political systems now occurring than the single traditionally-known mixed structure of the federal state. This suggests that different political system has been examined to have better vision on how such federal states operates and to find out the basic mechanism behind such states.
Diversity of our nations was forged through migration of mongoloid groups from the north and the east, and Caucasian groups from the west and the south. The unification process in 1768 set the stage for gradual imposition of hill ethos, Nepali language and Hindu religion. Unification process led to the formation of the Hindu Kingdom of Nepal prior to which each small kingdom had its own system of governance. Over a period of time the local systems were slowly annihilated or replaced by centralized governance system. The unitary government led to the suppression of local identity, local aspirations and cultural and social diversity.
The diverse socio-cultural environment and religious traditions were unified and assimilated but the social integration neither intent nor compulsion hence four Varna and Thirty-six  Jat was euphemism. The Hindu caste system got codified in the national legal code in 1854. The first codified law of Nepal (Muluki Ain) was adopted in 1853 A.D. Muluki Ain served two critical purpose – instrument to ensure socio-cultural order, hence political and economic supremacy of Tagadhari (high caste Hindu male who wear ‘Janai’ as a symbol of high stature in society) remained entrenched. The inequality based on geography was prevalent in Nepal since 18th century which is why now Nepal needs federalism to address the historic inequality.
The federal model of new Nepal was initially propagated by Nepal Terai Congress when they asked for an autonomous Terai province in 1950s. Nepal Sadhvavana party demanded for a federal model of government with five provinces after the elections in 1992 in the House of Representatives. The interim constitution of 2007 was amended for the third time which made the constitutional provision for the federal republic. This aims at uniting already geographically united Nepal which can lead the country towards sustainable development.
The interim constitution of Nepal 2007 brought the concept of state restructuring which adds political, economic, social and cultural issues to the list of issues in the Preamble of the Interim Constitution to be resolved through state restructuring. The foundation which was put forward in the 90s was at peak during madhesh movement after the promulgation of interim constitution in 2007 which resulted into introduction of federalism. The reasons behind Nepal’s need to adopt federalism are the people’s political aspirations, wishes and demands. The very concept of sovereign people of a sovereign state has contributed to the demands of federal state in Nepal.
The diverse community desire for identity and inclusiveness to establish equal stake in developmental activities as well as to increase the representation and participation has played key role to the development of Federalism in Nepal. However the challenges ahead are immense for small economic state like Nepal. Identity and capability must be taken as the basis for creation of federal units in Nepal which can lead into formation of strong federal states that can contribute to the development. The constituent assembly (CA) declared Nepal to be a federal republic on 28th May 2008 in its very first meeting.
The Committee for Restructuring of State and Devolution of State Power of the Constituent Assembly proposed fourteen states, majority of which were based on ethnicity which was one of the initial measures taken for recommendations of state. However, this concept hardly came under any sort of major political debate since it was almost impossible for government to think about fourteen states considering Nepal economic condition. Federalism was now common agenda for many political parties in Nepal but its structure still remained a very challenging aspect for political parties. The major political parties expressed their commitment to the positive restructuring of the states. The downfall of monarchy was key to development of federalism in Nepal. At the time of the twelve Point Understanding, Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Interim Constitution 2007, the political leaders were not clear on how they would restructure the state. This concept was cleared after Madhesh Andolan in early 2007 which suggested that state structure will be a federal one.
The failure of political party to resolve issues regarding federalism saw reversal of fortunes in the result of 2103 CA election with the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the largest party in the first CA, coming in third and the Madhesi parties losing unexpected ground. Political aspirants in Nepal have not been able to understand the basic structure upon which the foundation of federal state can stand on its own. The lack of open political discourse had in fact made it more difficult for common people to understand the basic agenda of federal state. Conceptually, unitary and centralized states are different. However, in the case of Nepal, these two concepts are heavily mixed by political parties in Nepal. This has lead into conflict within different political unit of the government. The challenges lie within the conflicts that the concept of federalism has brought with it.
Now that constitution of Nepal 2015 has decided to go for seven federal states from eastern region to the far western region of Nepal its challenges lie within implementation. Nepal faced serious problems soon after promulgation of the constitution with many groups still unsatisfied with the constitution. We must be aware of challenges that the country might have to face during its initial days of implementation of its core agendas. Federal state structure and design has been highly criticized by different ethnic groups within the country. Violence within certain states has led into formation of different agitating groups which can push the country towards civil war. Nepal’s identity of a peaceful nation has been questioned by different nations in the world. Federalism was always meant at securing peace and spreading prosperity but the current situation in Nepal has altered the scenario against federal states which must be understood immediately to solve current crisis in the country.
Federalism has played a key role in development of many nations across the world. It requires a proper system of governance that can lead to the formation of effective federal states. The concept of federalism is old but at the same time it cannot assure peace and prosperity to every nation unless internal issues are understood properly. It may lead into development whereas at the same time it may also lead into chaos if not dealt with properly. Nepal is a developing country and measures for development must be initiated if country has to survive of its own. The concept of federal state can put forward the voice of many suppressed group and help them gain their identity but at the same time if such measures are not addressed properly it can lead country into disaster. We must be able to see the challenges ahead in order to secure our national interest and more importantly national integrity.
National integrity counts for national power so it becomes important for a nation to remain united to protect its sovereign status. Federalism promises inclusiveness which is important for any nation to grow. It promotes development of skilled manpower and hence important for overall development of a nation.
Kundan Kumar Jha is a third semester student at Tribhuvan University, Masters program in International Relations and Diplomacy.

Siberian shamanistic traditions among the Kham Magar of Nepal

डा. डेविड इ. वाटरको लेख Siberian shamanistic traditions among the Kham Magar of Nepal (1975) मा नेपालका खाममगर जातिमा प्रचलित झाँक्री प्रथा साइबेरियाको संस्कार बाट प्रभावित देखिन्छ भनि लेखेका छन् ।

"The Kham Magars are a people of ancient Mongolian descent inhabiting the upper tributaries of the Sani Bheri, Bari Gad and Mari Khola on the south western flank of the Dhaulagiri massif. They constitute a specific ethno-linguistic community within the four northern sub-tribes of the Magar people - the Bhuda (Bura), Gharti, Pun and Rokha. That is, in the west sector of the northern Magar homeland (separated from the eastern sector by three days of uninhabited territory), the people have retained an indigenous Tibeto-Burman language known as Kham, and it is these people who are referred to as the Kham-Magars. The great majority of Kham speakers belong to the Bhuda sub-tribe, but there is some admixture of the other three sub-tribes as well. Although there is no basis for an accurate estimate of their population, a rough estimate would put their numbers in a possible excess of 30,000. The Kham-Magars follow a transhumant pattern of life, maintaining permanent villages and a few fields for small scale cultivation, but travelling extensively most of the year with flocks of sheep and goats. Living relatively isolated from the mainstream of commerce and the influx of Indo-Aryan settlement, they have, as opposed to their kinsmen in the east, been only lightly touched by the influence of Hinduism. Their religious attitude is based primarily on an animistic view of nature - the view that the affairs of men are affected by spirits, and that certain men are capable of entering into communication with these spirits and serve as functionaries between man and the spirit world. Such a view is very widespread, being found throughout Nepal and in many other parts of the world. The author however, shows that the Kham-Magar tradition is a specialised form of this widespread belief; that it is part of an ancient shamanistic tradition which exhibits a history and structure of its own."

http://lib.icimod.org/record/9603/files/7112.pdf