Saturday, August 10, 2019

'NEPALA': ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE WORD


By Kamal Prakash Malla
Posted by The Himalayan Voice: August 4, 2011
[Chronologically, what is of critical interest here is that although the story of milch cow was not unknown to the medieval chroniclers, Ne Muni or Ne the sender to paradise was not known to them. The compilers of Gopalarajavamshavali  were familiar with the tradition relating to Nepa the cowherd who dug out the Jyotirlinga or the Luminous Phallus of Lord Pasupati. Prior to the late 15th century, Ne Muni did not seem to exist at all. Gajapati, a mediocre Sanskrit playwright, who composed a Sanskrit play called Caturanka Mahabharata (preserved in the National Archives, Kathmandu, Catalogue Part I, No. 449), wrote in the preface that “the country protected in the past by Ne Muni is called Nepal”. This is the only known and reliable ancestry of the sage Ne Muni.]
1. Antiquity of the Word : The word Nepala is obscure in origin. The earliest reliable incidence of the word is in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (A.D. 335-375). The undated inscription mentions that among other frontier-kings, the king of Nepal“paid tribute, obeyed orders, and came to prostate themselves to satisfy the proud will of the master”. In Nepalese sources, the earliest incidence of the word is in an inscription dated equivalent to A.D. 512. Issued by King Vasantadeva, it is located in Tistung, a small valley at the foot of Candragiri, on the ancient entry route to the Nepal Valley. The form used in the inscription is swasti naipalevya, translated by the authorities variously as “(greetings) to Nepalis”, “(greetings) to the residents of Nepal”, “(greetings) to the Nepalas”, and “(greetings) to the leaders/kings of Nepalas”. 
The form naipaevya is dative plural. Naipala is from Nepala, combined with the suffix-an. The vowel e in the first syllable ne becomes diphthong ai when the suffix- an is used. Unfortunately, however, the suffix - an is used for different shades of meaning, coming for, among other things, attributives (e.g., saiva fromSiva), aggregates (e.g. bhaiksam from bhikksu), and patronymics (e.g. aupagavali from upagu). It may sometimes bear the sense of ‘king/leader of’ as in saibhyah, “king of Sibis”. 
Although the exact shade of meaning of the form of address swasti naipalevyah is debatable, two facts of its use are in clear evidence. Of the nearly 200 extant ancient Nepalese inscriptions belonging to the 5th to 9th century A. D., the form of address is used in only three inscriptions. Although they are chronologically nearly a century apart, they are all located in the Tistung valley. Two of these, issued 95 years apart, are located exactly in the same find-spot. The total absence of the form of address in the rest of ancient inscriptions, on the one hand, and the evident concentration of it within a limited geographic area, on the other, compels us to reject the translation of naipalevya as “to the Nepalis in general”. It can only mean either “to the Nepalis” or “to the leaders/kings of the Nepalas”. If this interpretation of epigraphic facts is sound, the word Nepala stood, in the past, for a well-defined and specific social aggregate whose identity was intact till the beginning of the 7th century A.D. The use of the form of address coincides with a phase in ancient Nepalese political history when the Abhira clan was in evident ascendancy (A.D. 512-640). 
2. The Word Nepal in Literary Sources
Nepal is, of course, not a rare word in classical Indian literature. It occurs in an alleged Vedic text, Atharvaparista. It occurs in Kautalya’s Arthashstra, in Bharata Natyashastra, in some recensions of the Mahabharata, in the Buddhist canonical text, Mulasarvastivada Vinaya, and the Jaina text, Parisistaparvan. However, the main problem with these literary sources is that they do not have any firm, reliable, and absolute chronology. For example, some authorities claim that Arthashastra belongs to the 4th century B.C. while others would not date it earlier than the 4th century A.D.! The critical edition of Mahabharata does not contain any reference to Nepal, but a southern recension does have a reference. Textual studies of these classics have shown that they belong to “evolving anonymous literature” and that there are far too many interpolations and scribal “improvements” for anyone to be able to decide what constituted the “original text”. Thus, although the name Nepal appears in Indian literary sources, most of these are so difficult to date with any exactitude that these sources are not of much use in establishing either the origin or the antiquity of the word.
3. Traditional Interpretations of the Word
In Nepal, there are two kinds of historical writings available in the traditional genre: the medieval vamshavalis (theGopalarajavamshavali, compiled in ca. 1380s, and its cognates) and the vernacular chronicles (compiled between the 1820s and 1880s). One of the most important differences between the two traditions is that whereas the medieval chronicles are relatively free from mythological digressions and puranic materials, the later chronicles are infested with them. It is interesting to note that the traditional interpretation of the word Nepal is not preserved in any of the three surviving medieval chronicles whereas the later chronicles, both Brahmanical and Buddhist versions, contain interpretations and rationalizations of the word Nepala. In one version, it is said that “the great Rishi, from whomNepal derives its name, was a devotee named Ne” (Wright. 1877:89). In the same chronicle, we also come across the following story:
The cowherds who came in the train of Lord Krishna settled down ...and built cowsheds. One of their cows, by nameNe, was a mulch cow, but gave no milk. Every day at a certain time she went running to a certain place. One day the chief cowherd followed her, and saw milk issuing from her udder, and saturating the spot on which she stood. His curiosity was excited to know what was under the spot, and on removing some earth he discovered the light, which however consumed him.
Ne Muni, from whom Nepal derives its name, then came, and having persuaded the people that there would be noChhetri Rajas in the Kali Yuga, he installed as king the son of the cowherd who had been consumed by the light. (Wright, 1877: 107-108)
The Buddhist interpretation, however, is quite different. According to a recension, compiled in ca. A.D. 1825,Manjushri Bodhisattwa, the divine agent who drained the primordial Lake of Serpents, Nagahrda, that was the NepalValley, persuades the serpent-king Karkotaka to stay on in the drained valley :
In order that the city may be well populated, you will have to cause the rains to be set in here always in due season and cherish the people; and the Self-Existent Buddha called Ne, (i.e. the sender to paradise) will also take care and multiply the community. The Valley will be called after his name Nepal or the Cherished of the Adi Buddha. (Hasrat, 1970:7)
In these traditions two elements emerge clearly into relief. The imputed etyma (Ne the sage, Ne the cow, and Ne the sender to paradise) are primarily sectarian in nature, and the interpretations are drawn from a given religious-cultural system so that the name could be, not only interpreted, but also legitimatized within the system. The word, thus, becomes not just a linguistic sign, but also a cultural syndrome.
Chronologically, what is of critical interest here is that although the story of milch cow was not unknown to the medieval chroniclers, Ne Muni or Ne the sender to paradise was not known to them. The compilers ofGopalarajavamshavali  were familiar with the tradition relating to Nepa the cowherd who dug out the Jyotirlinga or the Luminous Phallus of Lord Pasupati. Prior to the late 15th century, Ne Muni did not seem to exist at all. Gajapati, a mediocre Sanskrit playwright, who composed a Sanskrit play called Caturanka Mahabharata (preserved in the National Archives, Kathmandu, Catalogue Part I, No. 449), wrote in the preface that “the country protected in the past by Ne Muni is called Nepal”. This is the only known and reliable ancestry of the sage Ne Muni.
In the Nepal Valley, during the 15th-16th century there appears to have been an upsurge of religious-cultural nationalism. Nepal Mahatmya (earliest extant copy dated A.D. 1654), Svayambbhu Purrana (earliest extant copy dated A.D. 1558), Pashupati Purana (earliest extant copy dated A.D. 1504), and similar puranic texts were compiled. This literature appears to have grown, at least in part, out of the cultural need to glorify and legitimatize the local shrines, including the rivers and their confluences, by some or other kind of divine association. Initially, the inspiration may have come from the recent migrant religious and cultural elites from India. There is hardly any doubt that sectarian and religious interpretation of the word Nepal was sought during this fertile period of myth-making. Ne the sender to paradise and Ne the sage may have been pious afterthoughts of this phase in Nepal’s cultural history.
4. First Approaches to Secular Analysis
The earliest known secular (i.e. linguistic) attempt to analyze and interpret the word Nepala was made by Christian Lassen (1800-1876), a Norwegian scholar who spent  most of his working life as Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Bonn, Germany. The  four volumes of his Indische Alterthumskunde (Indian Archaeology), published between 1847-1861, are regarded by the knowledgeable as “a milestone in the progress of the science of Indology,” and “one of the world’s greatest monuments of untiring industry and critical scholarship”. In volume I fascicle 2, Lassen writes that Nepala, like Himala, Pancala, and similar other words, is formed as a compound of nipa and ala(standing for alaya, i.e. abode). Nipa is “foot of a mountain”. Nepala thus means “abode at the foot of a mountain” (Lassen 1861:76, footnote no 3). In the meantime, Lassen dismissed Ne Muni as “just a concoction”.
At the beginning of the present century, Sylvain Levi (1863-1935)- a French savant of great repute and vast erudition in Sanskrit, Chinese, and Tibetan languages, published a monumental three-volume study on the history and culture of Nepal : Le Nepal : Etude Historique d’Un Royaume Hindou (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1905-1908). He begins his survey of the history of Nepal with a lucid and critical examination of the earliest references to Nepal, both epigraphic and literary, including the legendary interpretations of the word. In this context, Levi also scrutinizes Lassen’s etymological explanation :
Even supposing that the change from nipa to nepa were legitimate, the sense attributed here to this word (i.e., foot of a mountain - KPM) would have no other foundation than the gloss of a scholiast (i.e., a 16th century commentator called Mahidhara, in his commentary on Vajaseni Samhita - KPM). Moreover, it applies rather badly to a country already situated in the mountains themselves. Nepal strictly speaking is only the large interior valley. The word nipasignifies above all a kind of asoka (the nauclea cadamba of the botanist) which is far from being characteristic of the Nepalese region.
In addition, one could still bring in the Nipas, a princely race of the cycle of the Pandavs, who reigned in Kampilya inPanchala. (Levi, 1905 : II : 66)
Not only that Levi found Lassen’s Sanskrit etymology of the word Nepala untenable, he went on to confess : 
The name Nepal, Nepala, despite its Sanskrit appearance, does not lend itself to a satisfactory etymological explanation. (Levi, 1905 : II : 66)

Despite his vast Sanskrit learning Levi himself had no definite contribution to make, except a suggestive hint where he said : Either newara derives its origin from the word Nepal, or that Nepal owes, on the contrary, her name to a Sanskrit adaptation of local ethnic. (Levi, 1905: I: 222- 223)
Sir Ralph L. Turner, in his famous A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1931) reinstates Levi’s suggestion in his entry in the dictionary under the head-wordNepala, where he writes : Late Sanskrit, Nepala singular, the country; plural, its people; - this may be a sanskritization of newar, or the latter may be a later (Eastern Hindi or Bihari) form of Nepala. (Turner, 1931 : 353)
5. Tibetan Etymology : The Miscarried Attempt
Austin L. Waddell (1893: 292-294), a British civil servant turned Tibetologist proposed an etymology of the wordNepal based on what he thought were Tibetan data. According to him, the first syllable ne (corresponding to the written Tibetan form gnas) signifies home, spot, sacred place, or place of pilgrimage. The syllable pal would be the equivalent of bal, signifying “wool”. Nepala would then signify “the sacred place of the bal or wool”. Waddell’s monstrous etymological explanation has no basis in facts of the Tibetan language or Tibeto-Burman linguistics. For one thing, the usual word-order is Bal-po, Bal-yul. So instead of gnas-bal , it would ordinarily be bal-gnas. Secondly, the Tibetan name for Newars (Bal-po) and Nepal (Bal-yul), as Tucci has conclusively shown, is due to “curious duplications of place names”. In the A.D. 821 Treaty Inscription at Lhasa, Nepal, is clearly referred to as gcen lho Bal pho (Tucci, 1958:344-347; 397).
6. Indo-Aryan Etymologies : The Topographic Interpretations
Topographic features of Nepal in general and the Nepal Valley in particular have remained the bases of Indo-Aryan interpretations of the word so far. These interpretations have several problems—the problems of imputed meaning as well as the problems of rules of word-formation. Robert Shafer, an American linguist who was basically a Sino-Tibetanist rather than an Indologist, says :
The first part of Nepala is phonetically quite regular as a derivative of nipa (foot of a mountain). Sanskrit ai, as a rule, became Prakrit e.
Then Shafer goes on to add:
But I do not believe we can consider Nepala in isolation when discussing the last part of the word. At least some of these final-la’s (in Panchala, Nepala, Kosala, Bangala - KPM) found in place names may have been Tibeto-Burmic in origin. (Shafer, 1954 : 137)
Whereas Shafer was bothered by the last part of the word Nepala, offering to explain the word as Indo-Aryan in root and Tibeto-Burman in suffix, a different problem in Indo-Aryan explanation bothered Button-Page, a British expert on South Asian archaeology. He interprets the word as a derivative of nipa (damp, low-lying), affixed with ala, the old Indo-Aryan suffix meaning ‘pertaining to, possessing’. This would result in naipala. So he says:
The real difficulty from the Sanskrit viewpoint is the gu`a-vowel; the v{ddhi ai would be expected in the Sanskrit derivative of naipala.
To get over this difficulty Burton-Page (1954:596) proposes to interpret the word Nepal in a somewhat tortuous way :Nepala is a “re-sanskritisation of Prakrit nevala which is derived from Sanskrit naipala which in turn is a derivative of the root n}pa suffixed with ala”. According to him, the meaning of this compound will be “damp, low-lying home”. To call Nepal in general or the Nepal Valley in particular “damp, low-lying home” may be an unsatisfactory metaphor, but not a very apt toponym. We are, therefore, relieved at the fact that Burton-Page concedes that “this is not offered as a conclusive solution”. Because, while the interpretation may be sound phonetically, its semantics is questionable.
Recently, Nepali historian D.R. Regmi has come up so late in the day with yet another Indo-Aryan etymology based on topographic semantics.
According to Regmi :
Nepala might have derived its name from nipa (note that the vowel i short in Regmi, whereas it has always been long earlier-KPM), meaning as it goes to cause, to imbibe as a verb or a water jar or a lake as a noun. By vrddhi it becomesNaipa. Nipa obviously means a tank or a lake in the present context ...... (The settlers) gave it the name according to its potential supporting capacity to be associated with palayati and lastly the name Nepal came to birth. (Regmi, 1983:1)
A careful perusal of Sanskrit dictionary or dictionaries would immediately expose how disastrous this etymology is. In his dictionary Regmi just looked at the head-word at the top of the column, ignoring the other elements of the compounds. n}pa is, of course, a water jar. But it does not mean a lake. The word which stands for “a well, pool, tank, any place or trough for watering cattle”, is not nipa, but nipana. Similarly, nipasaras is “a pool or lake for watering cattle”. How the most unlikely compounding of naipa+palayati will result in Nepala by any rule of Sanskrit morphophonemics, unfortunately, the Nepali historian does not care to explain.
7. Sanskritisation
Scholarly Sanskrit dictionaries-the native Indian dictionaries, the great St. Petersburg Dictionary of Bohtlingk and Roth, and Mayerhofer’s recent etymological dictionary-all appear to have maintained a studied but intriguing silence about the origins of the word Nepala. Two of the greatest Indo-Aryanists of the twentieth century, the late Sir Ralph L. Turner of Britain and the late Suniti Kumar Chatterjee of India, have both indicated that the word may have been a sanskritisation of Newara. As we have shown earlier, Levi too hinted at the possibility of the word being a Sanskrit adaptation of de l’ethinique local. Despite his Indo-Aryan leanings, Burton-Page concedes that Nepala is a sanskrit form of Nevala (Prakrit). Baburam Acharya, the late Historian-Laureate of Nepala, at first proposed to interpretNepal as a sanskritisation of a tribal name which he hypothesized as Nepara. Later on he, too, came round to accept that Nepala is a sanskritisation of Newara (Acharya, 1953 and 1972).
Recently, the sanskritisation hypothesis has gained some additional evidence. A great many place-names traced in ancient Nepalese inscriptions-the names of rivers, hillocks, fields, canals, etc., are non-Sanskritic in origins. Recent analyses (Malla, 1981 and 1983) have shown that many of these toponyms and hydronyms are, in fact, Tibeto-Burman in stock. An analysis of ancient river-names and their recent transformations has nearly conclusively established that several names are sanskritisation of Tibeto-Burman words and roots.
Levi, Turner, Chatterjee, Burton-Page, and Acarya are all unanimous on the point that Nepala is a sanskritisation ofNewara. However, it will be closer to the known linguistic/phonetic facts of the two words (Nepal>Nebala>Newala>Newara) if we consider them as two phonetically variant forms of the same word : Nepalais the learned Sanskrit form whereas Newara is the colloquial Prakrit form. The earliest verifiable incidence ofPrakrit form of the word (naivala) is attested in the Gilgit manuscript of the Buddhist canonical textMulasarvastivada-vinayavastu by Jinamitra compiled “after the 3rd century A.D” (Levi. 1907:115). It was translated into Chinese by I-tsing in A.D. 700.

8. Tibeto-Burman Roots ? : An Ethnolinguistic Hypothesis
Classical place-names in South Asia have almost always been the names of the tribes, clans, and peoples who had been inhabiting the place, e.g., Bharata (from the Bharatas), Panchala, Magadha, Videha, Andhra, Anga, Vanga,Kalinga, Matsya, Kuru, Pundra, etc. At least, in one classical Indian text, Bharata’s Natyashastra (XIII:32), usually dated back to second century A.D., the people of Nepal (naip@lika) is mentioned along with other well-known tribes-Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Vatsa, Odra, Magadha, Pundra, etc. The epigraphic evidence in Nepal also indicates that the country probably got its name from the people who inhabited it, rather than from any of its isolated topographical feature — real or imagined.
To say that Nepala is a sanskritisation of Newara does not explain much in etymological terms. The crux of the problem is to identify and define, if possible, the semantic primitives, i.e., the basic roots of which the original word is made. Local traditions and interpretations consistently retain a kind of unconscious echo of certain roots: ne, the cow, Nepa, the cowherd Ne-muni, the sage, and Ne, the sender to paradise. Of these the earliest tradition is of Nepathe cowherd-the eponymic ancestor of the clan of Ahbiras who migrated to Nepal. This tradition is recorded in theGopalarajvamshavali. Although the chronicle was compiled in ca. A.D. 1380s, the compilers had drawn upon sources which went back at least to the A.D. 1050s. Manikya Vardhana, a court-poet of Sthitirajamalla’s time (A.D. 1382-1395) also mentions Nepa the cowherd as the founder of the Nepalese scion of the Abhiras.
Local traditions are nearly unanimous on the point that prior to the arrival of the Hindu dynasty of the Licchavis in early centuries A.D./B.C., the early settlers of the Nepal Valley were the herdsmen, the cowherds (gopala-s) and buffalo-herds (mahisapala-s). Ne is cattle, cow, buffalo is some Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal and pa is a suffix for man, very widespread in Tibeto-Burman area. On the basis of these scanty linguistic and ethno-historical evidence, some tentative hypotheses may be hazarded :
a. nepa is a Tibeto-Burman stem consisting of the roots ne (cow, buffalo, cattle)
and p@ (man, keeper);
b. nepa was sanskritised as Nepala/nevala, possibly on the analogy of gopala (cowherd). Tibeto-Burman pa can elegantly be transformed into Indo-Aryan pala/vala (keeper).
The later Hindu-Buddhist puranas and chronicles may have found the idea of a cowherd as the eponymic ancestor of the country somewhat unpalatable to their religious and cultured taste. Nepa the cowherd was conveniently metamorphosed into Ne the sage or Adi Buddha - the sender to paradise ! The original meaning was lost and forgotten in the process of sanskritisation and linguistic acculturation.
In conclusion, one can only quote what the late Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, the National Professor in the Humanities and perhaps twentieth-century India’s most leading Indo-Aryan scholar, had to say on the word Nepala :
Various derivations of the name Nepal (Nepala) were proposed by the Pandits of Nepal in medieval times, both Buddhist and Brahman. It would appear, however, that the name came from that of a Tibeto-Burman speaking tribe, the ancestors of the present-day Newar people, and consists of two elements--a prefix Ne--, of uncertain meaning (it may be the name of some hero-king or priest among the tribe) and the proper tirbal name pala or bal- the meaning of which in Newari is lost. (Chatterjee, 1974:64)

References
Acarya, Baburam. 1953. “Nepal, Newar, and the Newari Language.” Nepal Samskritik
Parisad-Partrika I:1. 1-16. In Nepali.
Baburam Acarya and His Work. Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan Vniversity. In Nepali. - 1972
Bohtlingk, Otto and Rudolf Roth. 1855-75.Sanskrit-Worterbuh. St. Petersburg. 7 Volumes.
Burton-Page, J. 1954. “The Name Nepal.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. XVI:592-597.
Chatterjee, S.K. 1974. Kirata-Jana-Krti: The Indo-Mongoloids: Their Contribution to the History and Culture ofIndia. Calcutta : The Asiatic Society. Second Edition.
Gopalarajvamshavali : A Palm-leaf manuscript in 47 folios written in Ancient Newari Script in Sanskrit-Newari, preserved in the National Archives, Kathmandu. Catalogue Part I No. 1583.
Hasrat, Bikram Jit. 1970. History of Nepal : As Told by its Own and Contemporary  Chroniclers. Hoshiarpur.
Lassen, Christian. 1947-61. Indische Alterthumskunde. Leipzig. 4 Volumes.
Levi, Sylvain. 1905-8. Le Nepal : Etude Historique d’Un Royaume Hindou. Paris : Ernest Leroux. 3 Volumes.
1907. “Elements de Formation du Divy@vad@na.” T’oung pao 105-115.
Malla, Kamal P. 1981.“Linguistic Archaeology of the Nepal Valley : A Preliminary
Report.” Kailash. VIII: 1-2. 5-23.
1983. “River-names of the Nepal Valley : A Sutdy in Cultural Annexation.” Contributions to Nepalese Studies IX : 1-2. 57-68
Mayrhofer, Manfred. 1956-76.Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Worterbuch des altindischen. Heidelberg : Carl Winter/Universitatsverlag. 3 Volumes. In 26
fascicles.
Regmi, D.R. 1983.Inscriptions of Ancient Nepal. New Delhi : Abhinav. 3 Volumes.
Shafer, Robert. 1954. Ethnography of Ancient India. Wiesbaden : Harrosswitz. Tucci, Giuseppe. 1958. Minor Buddhist Texts. Kyoto : University Press.
Turner, R.L. 1931.A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
1966. A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London : Oxford University Press. Indexes compiled by Dorothy L. Turner (1969).

Vajracarya, Dhanavajra. 1973.The Inscriptions of the Licchavi Period. Kirtipur : Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University.Sanskrit Text with Nepali Translation and Commentary by the Editor.
Waddell, Austin L. 1893.“Frog-Worship Amongst the Newars, with a Note on the Etymology of the Word Nepal.” Indian Antiquary. XXII : 292-294.
Wright, Daniel. 1877. History of Nepal . Translated from Parbatiya by Munshi Shew Shankar Singh and Pandit Gunananda. Cambridge: The University Press.

(This paper was originally published in The Nepal Heritage Society Souvenir for PATA Conference, Kathmandu, 1983, pp. 33-39).
Heritage Preservation: Tourism for Tomorrow
In commemoration of the 3rd PATA International Tourism & Heritage Conservation Conference, Kathmandu (November 1 - 4, 1983)
 * The author is Professor Emeritus of English and Linguistics at Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal

राणाशासनको वृतान्त

प्रमोदशमशेर राणा, राणाशासनको वृतान्तको १६औं श्रृँखला
भीमसेन थापाको कार्यकालमा अङग्रेजसंग युद्ध हुुँदा हान हुन गई नेपालले गुुमाउनुपरेको भूूभाग म फिर्ता गराउँछुु भनी काजी रणजङ्ग पाँडे निकै फूर्ती गर्थे । तर यिनले भन्दैमा अङग्रेजहरुले सो भूूभाग नेपाललाई त्यसै फिर्ता दिने कुुरा थिएन । पाँडेले केही ठोस काम गरेर देखाउन सकेनन् र केही महिना पछि अवकाश पाए । यसपछि यहाँको राजनीतिमा अस्थिरता आउन सुुरु भयो । एकपछि अर्को गरी मुुख्तियारहरु फेरिन थाले । रणजङ्ग पछिको मुख्तियार रङनाथ नौ महिना नप’दै झिकिए । यसपछि पुुष्कर शाहसमेतको संयुुक्त मन्त्रिमण्डल गठन भयो । छ महिनापछि यो संयुक्त सरकारमा रणजङ्ग पाँडे मुुख्य भए । यिनी अङग्रेजहरुको कट्टर विरोधी हुुँदा यिनलाई हटाउन अङग्रेजहरुले निकै प्रयास गरे ।
सन १८३५ मा अर्ल अफ अकल्याण्ड गभर्नर भनरल भएर भारतमा आए । यिनको कार्यकालमा अफगानिस्तानसंग अङग्रेजको ठुुलो खटपट भयो । त्यस बखत पर्सिया रुसको प्रभाव क्षेत्रमा जान लागेकाले त्यसको पूूर्वपट्टिको अफगानिस्तानमा आफनो पक्षको शासक राख्न अङग्रेजहरु चाहन्थे । यसै कारण सन १९३७ मा काबुुलमा एउटा सिन पठाएर अनीहरुले वार्ता गर्ने प्रयास गरे तर सफलता प्राप्त गर्न सकेनन् । अकल्याण्डले बल प्रयोग गरी आफना कठपुुतली शाहलाई कान्दाहारमा गद्दीमा राखे । तर सन् १८४० मा दोस्त महम्मदले यिनलाई पदच्यूुत गरी अङग्रेजहरुको विरुद्ध युद्ध शुुरु गरे । यो लडाईमा अङग्रेजहरुले हारे । झण्डै दुुई डिभिजन फौज काबुुलबाट हारेर फर्कन लाग्दा अफगान गुुरिल्लाहरुले ठाउँ ठाउँमा यिनीहरुमाथि लुुकेर आक्रमण गरी सात्तर पारे । यसरी अङग्रेजको फौज हारेर भागेको खबर काठमाण्डौ आइपुुग्यो ।
संयोगवश यसै समयमा चीन संग अफिम युद्ध पनि परेकाले अङग्रेजहरुको ठुलो फौज चीनमा पनि जानुपरेको थियो । यस्तो परिस्थितिमा कहाँ के हुने हो भनी अकल्याण्ड निकै चिन्तित थिए । नेपालको सीमाबाट पनि कदाचित खतरा उत्पन्न भएमा त्यसको समाधान गर्नुुपर्छ भनी यिनले केही फौज त्यस तर्फ पनि सतर्क गराएर राखेको थिए ।         
साभारः राणाशासनको वृतान्त, प्रमोदशमशेर राणा

Friday, August 09, 2019

कौरा खोज्दै गुरुङ समुदाय


कौरा खोज्दै गुरुङ समुदाय
श्रावण २४, २०७६विना थापा
कास्की — पछिल्लो समयमा विभिन्न समुदायको संस्कृति हराउँदै गएसँगै जगेर्नाको प्रयास पनि थालिएको छ यसै क्रममा पोखरा–२२ तालपारी अनदु गुरुङ समाजले कौरा नृत्य लोप हुन लागेको भन्दै संरक्षण अभियान थालेको  
समूहका सदस्य डेढ घण्टा समय लगाएर पोखरा बजारमा आएर नाच सिक्न थालेका छन् गाउँमा सिकाउने कोही नभएपछि समूह पोखरा झरेर सिक्न थालेको हो

पोखरा–८ चालिसेचोकमा रहेका आदिम कला मञ्चमा पुगेर कौरा सिकेको समाजकी सदस्य मीना गुरुङ बताउँछिन् ‘हाम्रो संस्कृति कौरालाई पुनः ब्युँताएर संरक्षणका लागि सिक्न थालेका हौँ,’ उनले भनिन्, ‘नृत्य सिक्ने २६ जना छौं।’ उनीहरू तालपारीदेखि लेकसाइड तालबराहीसम्म ३० मिनेटसम्म फेवातालमा डुंगा चढेर आउँछन् त्यसपछि ४५ मिनेट जति बस चढेर मञ्चमा पुग्छन्

सानोमा कौरा नाचेको सम्झना गर्दै, बूढापाका नभएको र युवा बिदेसिएपछि नाचका लागि हामी नै अघि बढेका हौं,’ ५२ वर्षीय जगन गुरुङ भन्छन्, ‘गाउँमा नचाउने कौरा यहाँ दिने भएकाले हाम्रो सामुदायले नाच सिकेर पछिको युवालाई हस्तान्तरण गर्नुपर्छ भनेर आएका हौं।’ कौरालाई जगाए पछिको समयमा विकृतिका रूपमा आएको हिन्दी गीतहरू लगाएर नाच्ने प्रचलनलाई समेत हटाएर आफ्नै संस्कृतिभित्र पर्ने कौरालाई संरक्षण गर्ने सहयोग यसले गर्ने उनले बताए

साता दिनदेखि उनीहरूले नृत्य सिक्न लागेका हुन् एक महिनामा सिकिसक्ने उनीहरूको योजना गाउँमा फेरि कौरा नाच्न लागेको देखेर निकै खुसी लागेको नाच हेरिरहेकी ८० वर्षीया काकिरी गुरुङ बताउँछिन् युवा गाउँ बसेको भए, कौराको संरक्षण हुन्थ्यो तर सबै विदेश गएकाले पनि संरक्षण गर्न नसकिएको उनी सुनाउँछिन्

गुरुङ, मगर र दुरा समुदायका संस्कृतिभित्र पर्ने कौरा सिकाउँदै आएको कला मञ्च सञ्चालक लब्सन गुरुङले बताए कौरासंगै सोरठी, रोधीलगायत नाच यहाँ सिकाइन्छ एक दशक अवधिमा उनले १०हजार बढीलाई विभिन्न नाच सिकाइसकेका छन्प्रकाशित : श्रावण २४, २०७६ ०८:४०


Thursday, August 08, 2019

गुरही पर्व


यसरी मनाइँदै छ गुरही (तस्बिहरु)
नेपालगन्ज — मुलुकभरी नागपञ्चमी मनाइरहँदा पश्चिम तराईका थारु समुदायले सोमबार साँझ गुरही पर्व मनाई रहेका छन् । उनीहरुले नाचगान गर्दै पर्व मनाएका हुन । थालभरी (गुरही) कपडाले बनाइएका पुतली र युवाहरुको हातमा लठ्ठी र (बनकास) बाबियोको कोर्रा लिएर तयारी अवस्थामा रहे । महिलाहरुले गुरही उडाए । युवाहरुले लठ्ठी र कोर्राले पिटे । गुरही असराएलगत्तै घुघरीको प्रसाद सबैले खाए । महिलाहरु रामाउँदै घर फर्किए । रोपाई सकिएपछि यो पर्व मनाइने छ । यसलाई वर्षभरीको पहिलो पर्वका रुपमा मनाइन्छ । बालीनालीमा किरा नलगोस् भनेर नै गुरही पिटिन्छ 


Tuesday, August 06, 2019

नवदुर्गा मन्दिरको 'खःमेय्'


नवदुर्गा मन्दिरमा बाँधिएको खःमेय् हेर्न पुगेका सर्वसाधारण।
तस्बिर : ईश्वरकाजी खाइजू

नवदुर्गा मन्दिरको 'खःमेय्': जसलाई दैनिक तेल दलेर, रक्सीसँगै मीठो खुवाइन्छ, समाज , ईश्वरकाजी खाइजू,  १९ साउन २०७६ १५:२७:००
भक्तपुर : भक्तपुर नगरपालिका ९ स्थित नवदुर्गा मन्दिरमा खःमेय् (राँगो) बाँधिएको छ। विजया दशमीअन्तर्गत महानवमीको दिन नवदुर्गा मन्दिरबाट खःमेय् दौडाएर जात्रा गरिन्छ। सोही जात्राको लागि आवश्यक पर्ने खःमेय् शुक्रबार नवदुर्गा मन्दिरमा बाँधिएको हो । नेपालभाषामा खःमेय् भनेको निख्खर कालो राँगो हो । सोही निख्खर कालो राँगोलाई दौडाएर गरिने जात्रालाई स्थानीय नेपालभाषामा खःमेय् ब्वाकेगु जात्रा भनिन्छ ।
नवदुर्गामा ल्याइएको खःमेय् मन्दिरकी नकीं कृष्णमाया बनमालाले स्वागत गर्दै पूजाआजा गरेकी थिइन्। नकीं कृष्णमायाले नै अब दसैंको नवमीसम्म उक्त खःमेय्को रेखदेख तथा हेरचाह गर्नेछिन्।
जात्राको विधानअनुसार गाथामोगका दिन नवदुर्गा मन्दिरमा खःमेय् भित्र्याउनु खःमेय् बाँध्ने किलामा डोरी बाँध्नुपर्ने प्रचलन रहेको नवदुर्गा देवगणका नाइके कृष्णकुमार बनमालाले जानकारी दिए । उक्त डोरी बाँधिसकेपछि उपयुक्त खःमेय्को खोजी हुने उनी बताउँछन्।
भक्तपुर नगरपालिका ८ निवासी कृष्णमाया गाइँजूले यस वर्षको खःमेय् ब्वाकेगू जात्राको लागि खःमेय् चढाएकी हुन्। तीन छोराहरु न्हुछेराम, कृष्णहरि र कृष्णश्यामको लगानीमा माता कृष्णमायाले ९० हजार रुपैयाँ जाने खःमेय् नवदुर्गालाई चढाएकी हुन् ।
उनले चार वर्षअघि नै खःमेय् चढाउने इच्छा व्यक्त गरेकी थिइन् तर नवदुर्गा देवगण जात्रा तथा मन्दिर व्यवस्थापन समितिमा पहिल्यै अरु दाताले नाम लेखाइसकेपछि चार वर्षमा उनको पालो आएको हो।
'चार वर्षअघि नै नवदुर्गा भवानीलाई खःमेय् चढाउने मनोकांक्षा राखेका थियौं,' जेठा छोरा न्हुछेरामले भने, 'खःमेय्को लागि राँगोसमेत हेरिसकेका थियौं, तर पालो पाइएन।'
उनीहरुले भक्तपुरकै चाँगुनारायण नगरपालिका ८ सुडालका कृष्ण छुलयाजूले पालेको राँगो खःमेय्का लागि चढाएका छन्। भैंसीपालक छुलयाजूले साढे तीन वर्ष खःमेय्को रेखदेख गरेका छन् । उनले यस अवधिभर राँगो सामान्य बिरामीसमेत नभएको सुनाए।
'उक्त राँगोलाई घाँसपराल र दानासँगै पिना, खुवा, काजु र बदाम खुवाएर पोलेको हुँ,' छुलयाजूले भने, 'साढे तीन वर्षको अवधिमा केही नराम्रो भएन।उनले पालेको उक्त राँगोलाई १ लाख ८ हजार रुपैयाँसम्म दिन व्यापारी आएका थिए तर पहिल्यै खःमेय्को लागि भनिसकेको र देउताको लागि भएकाले ९० हजार रुपैयाँ बेचेका छन्।
२०८१ सालसम्मलाई पुग्यो खःमेय्
जात्रा व्यवस्थापन समितिका अनुसार २०८१ सालसम्मको लागि खःमेय् ब्वाकेगू जात्राको लागि खःमेय् चढाउने दाताहरु पुगेका छन् । समितिका अध्यक्ष विजेश बनमालाका अनुसार त्यसपछि पनि खःमेय् चढाउने इच्छा व्यक्त गर्ने दाताहरु धेरै आएका छन् । तर २०८१ सालसम्मको लागि दाताहरु निश्चित भएको उनले जानकारी दिए।
उनका अनुसार २०७७ सालको लागि भक्तपुर नपा १२ का विजेन्द्र कर्माचार्य, २०७८ सालको लागि भक्तपुर नपा ३ का लक्ष्मण छुँजू र २०७९ को लागि भक्तपुर नपा १० का पदमबहादुर श्रेष्ठले खःमेय् चढाउने प्रतिबद्धता व्यक्त गरेका छन् ।
त्यस्तै २०८० सालको लागि भक्तपुर नपा ७ का रत्नभक्त दुमरु र २०८१ सालको लागि भक्तपुरको सूर्यविनायक निवासी विश्वराम सुवालले खःमेय् चढाउने प्रतिबद्धता जनाइसकेका छन् ।
खःमेय् : महिषासुर राक्षसको प्रतीक
महिषासुर राक्षसको रुपमा भक्तपुरमा खःमेय् जात्रा मनाइँदै आएको छ। मध्य मल्लकालमा यस जात्राले बढी महत्व पाएको संस्कृतिकर्मी ओमप्रसाद धौभडेल बताउँछन्।
उनहरुका अनुसार जात्राको खःमेय् निख्खर कालो, मोटोघाटो र जीउमा कुनै घाउ तथा चोटपटक नलागेको हुनुपर्छ। उनका अनुसार नवदुर्गा मन्दिर भित्र्याइएको खःमेय्लाई नकींले दिनहुँ तोरीको तेल दलिदिन्छिन् । मीठोमीठो खानेकुरा खुवाउँछिन्। 
खःमेय्लाई जाँडरक्सीसमेत खुवाइन्छ। जसले गर्दा खःमेय् मोटोघाटो हुनुका साथै उग्र स्वभावको बन्दै आउँछ। दसैंको महानवमीको दिन जात्रा गरिँदा सयौं भक्तजनको भीड छिचोलेर खःमेय्लाई करिब दुई किलोमिटर दौडाएर भक्तपुर नपा ९ स्थित ब्रह्मायणी मन्दिर पुर्‍याइन्छ।
उक्त जात्राको क्रममा खःमेय्लाई हनुमन्ते खोलाबाट ब्रह्मायणी मन्दिर लगिन्छ । यसबेला भक्तजनहरुले खःमेय्माथि खोलाको पानी छ्यापाछ्याप गर्छन् । जुन दृश्य हेर्नेलायकको हुन्छ । यस कार्यलाई खःमेय्लाई चोख्याउने भनिने संस्कृतिकर्मी धौभडेल बताउँछन्।
'यसको अर्थ खःमेय्लाई ब्रह्मायणी पीठ लानुअघि शुद्ध स्नान गराएर चोख्याउनु हो,' उनी भन्छन्, 'यसरी शुद्ध स्नान गराउने बेला भक्तजनबीच पानी छ्यापाछ्याप गर्ने चलन कम रोचक हुँदैन।'
यसरी ब्रह्मायणी मन्दिर पुर्‍याइएको खःमेय्लाई मासाहुती यज्ञको आयोजना गरी बध गरिन्छ । भक्तपुर तलेजुका रकमी खड्गीहरुले खःमेय्को रगत नवदुर्गा देवगणले चढाउने मुकुन्डोमा चढाउँछन् ।
यसरी नवदुर्गा देवगणलाई तृप्त गरेपछि बाँकी रगत माटोको भाँडोमा जम्मा गरिन्छ । यसलाई भैलकोंचा भनिन्छ । जुन भैलकोंचा नवदुर्गा द्योछेंमा लगेर राखिन्छ ।
साथै बध गरिएको खःमेय्को मासु भक्तजनले प्रसादको रुपमा लगेर आ-आफ्नो घरको भण्डार कोठामा राख्ने गर्छन् । उक्त मासु भण्डारकोठामा राख्दा धनधान्य हुने तथा अन्नको कहिल्यै कमी नहुने जनविश्वास रहेको छ।





Saturday, August 03, 2019

राणाशासनको वृतान्त


प्रमोदशमशेर राणा, राणाशासनको वृतान्तको १५औं श्रृँखला

सन् १८३२मा नायव त्रिपुरासुन्दरी हैजाको व्यथाबाट अकस्मात परलोक भइन् । यिनको मृत्युभएको खबर सुन्नासाथ भीमसेन धुरीबाट खसेजस्तै भए । अब लालमोहर छाप राजा राजेन्द्रकी जेठा महारानीको जिम्मामा गयपो । यस्तो बन्दोबस्त भएपछि धेरै टाठाबाठा मानिसले अब भीमसेनको अघिजस्तो हुदैन कि भन्ने अनुमान गरे । हुन पनि त्रिपुरासुन्दरीको मृत्यु भएपछि भीमसेन थापाको शक्ति केही ढलमल भएको जस्तो देखियो, तर उनले कत्तिपनि हरेस खाएनन् र आफनो शक्ति यथावत राख्नकालागी परराष्ट्र मामिलामा बराबर दखल दिन थालेकाले त्यसलाई मत्थर पार्न एउटा दूतमण्डल सोभैm बेलायतमा पठाएर बादशाहसमक्ष नेपालका राजाको खरितापत्र पेश गराउने योजना तयार पारे । यो काम तामेल गर्न माथवरसिंह थापालाई दूत बनाए । त्यहाँ पठाउन उनलाई छोटा जर्नेल पद दिएर बेलायत जान भनी कलकत्तामा सदलबल पठाए । कलकत्तामा पुगेका जर्नेल माथवरलाई नेपालका दूत भएर बेलायत जान गभर्नरले स्वीकृति दिएनन् । तर उनी बेलायत जानै चाहन्छन् भने एउटा सामान्य नेपाली नागरिकको हैसिएतमा त्यहाँ जान सक्छन् र बेलायतका बादशाहसंग भेट गर्ने अवसर पनि मिल्दैन  भन्ने खरो जवाफ गभर्नर जनरलले दिए । बेलायत जान भनी ठुलो रोब रवाफ साथ कलकत्ता पुगेका माथवर लोब्रे कान लगाएर काठमाण्डौ फर्के । यो मिसन असफल भए हुदा भीमसेन थापाको राजनितिक छवि अरु खराब भयो र उनका विरोधीहरु सलबलाउन थाले ।
राजा राजेन्द्रको उमेर अठार वर्ष पुग्यो र उनी बालिग भए । अब यिनी देशको राजकाजमा पनि रुचि राख्न थाले । यिनका दुई जना महारानीहरु प्नि टाठाबाठा थिए र दुवै जना राजकाजका मामिलाहरुमा हात बढाउन चाहन्थे । दरवारभित्र राजारानी सबै जनाले राजकाजमा रुचि लिन थालेको बुझेपछि थापाहरुको दमन चक्रमा पिसिएर बसेको तिनका दुस्मन पाँडे, शाह तथा गुरुज्यूहरुसमेत चलबलाउन लागे । मुख्तियारको खिलाफमा बोल्ने आँट गर्न नसकेपनि यिनीहरुले सुटुक्क राजा रानीका कानमा थापाहरुको विरोधमा अनेक कुराहरु सुनाउन थाले । थापाहरुको विरोधमा चारैतिरबाट उजुरीहरु प्राप्तहुनथालेपछि राजारानी सतर्क भए र भीमसेन थापाको शक्ति केही मत्थर पार्नकालागी उनका कटटर विरोधि रणजङ्ग पाँडेलाई काजी दर्जा प्रदान गरी अघि उनको सर्वस्वहरण गरी जफत गरिएको सम्पत्ति पनि फिर्ता दिनु भन्ने हुकुम दिए । यसरी आफना विरोधी पाँडेको सर्वस्वसमेत फिर्ता भएको देखेर थापाहरु झसङ्ग भए । यसै बखत २७ जुलाई १८३७ इ.का दिन नाबालक राजकुमार देवेन्द्रविक्रम शाह केही दिन मात्र विरामी भई अकस्मात परलोक गए । भीमसेन थापाले जालझेल गरी भाजुमान वैद्यलाई लगाएर राजकुमारलाई औषधी भनी विष सेवन गराई उनको हत्या गरिएको हो भन्ने अभियोग मुख्तियार माथि लागाइयो । यसै अभियोगमा राजाको ठाडो हुकुमबमोजिम खटिएर गएको हनुमान दल पलटनले प्रधानमन्त्री भीमसेन थापा र उनका केही भाइ भतिजाहरुलाई पक्राउ गरी झयाँइकुटी पारी दरवारमा ल्याए । उनीहरुलाई तुरुन्तै नेल ठोकी कारागारमा जाकियो । त्यसै दिन काजी रणजङ्ग पाँडे मुख्तियार भए । तेत्तीस वर्षसम्म नेपाललाई हाँकेर अधिनायकवादी ढङ्गबाट शासन चलाएर बसेका भीमसेन यस्तो कपोलकल्पित आरोपमा थुनामा परे । अङग्रेज इतिहासकार पर्सिभल ल्यान्डनले यिनी प्रति टिप्पणी गर्दै ‘तेत्तिस वर्ष सम्म नेपाल भनेको भीमसेन र भीमसेन भनेको नेपाल थियो’ भनेका छन् ।
भीमसेन थापाले तीन दशक सम्म आफनै मर्जी र तजविजका भरमा निर्वाध रुपमा एकलौटी शासन चलाएको थिए । अकस्मात यिनको पतन हुँदा देशमा एउटा शुन्यता आएको जस्तो महसूस भयो । मुख्तियार बदलिए, शासन चलाउने ढाँचा अर्कै भयो र अघिको जस्तो एउटै व्यक्तिको मर्जीबाट अब कामकाज नहुने भयो, अब त राजा, महारानीहरु र मुख्तियारसमेतको हुकुम र आदेशबाट राजकाज सञ्चालन हुन लाग्यो ।

साभारः राणाशासनको वृतान्तप्रमोदशमशेर राणा 

धर्म, संस्कृति र जीवनको बहस

  धर्म , संस्कृति र जीवनको बहस अरूणा उप्रेति अनलायन खबर,   २०७७ साउन १८ गते १०:३४ ‘ नो वर्त प्लिज’ गीतको बोललाई लिएर मैले हिन्दु ‘जागर...